Interviewer: Jeff Guin, Vizcaya Director of Digital Initiatives
I first met Greg Baldwin at the 40th Anniversary celebration of CareResource, the organization that began as the Health Crisis Network in the heat of the AIDS crisis in 1983. I learned more in that 10-minute conversation about the history of Miami’s LGBTQ+ community than I had gathered in eight years of living here. From the founding of HCN to the negotiations to get sexual orientation back into the Human Rights Ordinances, these stories serve as a testament to the community’s resilience.
I knew instantly that Greg should be featured in Beyond Vizcaya’s first formal oral history. In viewing the video highlights and listening to the full audio histories, you’ll learn to understand the heroic, behind-the-scenes efforts that resurrected Miami’s LGBTQ community in the wake of Anita Bryant and a devastating health crisis that was still largely mysterious. But you’ll also come to understand the story of a man who came of age in a time when his journey to find his own truth was met with intense struggle and lack of acceptance. It’s the story of an extraordinary person, who, along with many others, laid the foundation for a more inclusive society and is inspiring a new generation to do the same.
Video Highlights
Oral History Audio
"I learned sort of a hard way, but I didn't have any words. Sexual orientation meant nothing to me. I didn't have the words. I thought I was the only person who looked at Playboy pictures of girls and didn't react."
Transcript
(00:00:00)
Jeff Guin:
So tell me where and when you were born.
Greg Baldwin:
I was born November 14th, 1946, which these days sounds to me more like 1846, but there it is. I lived in Lexington, but I was born in Boston. I was brought up in Lexington.
Jeff Guin:
So tell me a little bit about your family.
Greg Baldwin:
Mother, father. Father born 1914, mother, 1915, both from New York, New Jersey area. My father was an airline pilot and based in Boston. Because of that he managed to escape the second World War draft because he was working for commercial airlines in 1941, when Pearl Harbor happened and Congress passed a law that froze certain people in their occupation. They could not enlist for the Army, Navy, or Air Force. There was no Air Force then, but Army or Navy. They could not change jobs. They had to keep their jobs and airline pilots were one of them.
So he flew through the war, troop transports to Iceland and Greenland. Greenland I’m sure of, Iceland I’m not sure of. My mother was basically a housewife most if not all of her life. She did some work towards when she became an empty-nester. She died at the age of 89. My father at 91. And I had one brother who passed away 2018, I think it was towards the end of the year. And two sisters younger than I. My brother was older, so I was the second and I have two younger sisters. One is in Rhode Island and the other is still in Massachusetts.
Jeff Guin:
Can you describe your relationship with your brothers and sisters?
Greg Baldwin:
My relationship with my sisters was always very close. My relationship with my brother was similar to a cat and a dog, both in bad moods for 20 years. It was not a good relationship.
Jeff Guin:
So what’s your ancestry?
Greg Baldwin:
Irish. I used to think that my grandmother on my mother’s side was off the boat, but she was not. I found out, I don’t know about maybe a year ago that my family actually, the Irish side came over in the 1840s, I think probably in the famine. The English side, the Baldwin side came over in, the first one was 1636 I think, and landed in Massachusetts. The father , Samuel Baldwin, died on the ship he was on. But he had two sons who were in their early teens, which in those days meant they were essentially adults. So they went and settled somewhere in Western Massachusetts, I’m not sure where, but one brother went south, one brother stayed north. And so there are two branches of the family now. One was a southern branch, the other’s a northern, but there’s virtually no contact between them that I know of.
Jeff Guin:
So do you consider yourself a family genealogist or are these just stories that you’ve heard?
Greg Baldwin:
Just stories that I’ve heard and put together over the years and stuff like that. One of these days I’ll probably do the genealogy just because I’m interested in history and I’d like to know more about it. But I feel sort of cheated that my Irish side came over so long ago because that deprives me of the opportunity of becoming an Irish citizen.
Jeff Guin:
Did your family names change at all?
Greg Baldwin:
No. The Irish side is Sheehan, the English side of course is Baldwin. And my grandmother on my father’s side was Irish as well. I had a genealogy test done on myself a few years ago and they reported that I’m like 82% Irish, which is about as Irish as an average Irishman born in Ireland. And the rest of me is all Scottish and English.
Jeff Guin:
Are there any traditions that have carried over? Like Irish traditions?
Greg Baldwin:
No. No.
Jeff Guin:
All right. So we’re going to go into a little bit about your school years, growing up where did you go to school? Just start with grammar school and then we’ll get into when you were getting your legal degree.
Greg Baldwin:
Okay, well, it’s almost a miracle I’m still here because I had eight years of nuns, and then eight years of Jesuits. And I got to tell you if you can survive that, you can survive anything at all. But I started with St. Agnes School in Arlington, Massachusetts to the fifth grade. And then the fifth grade I was transferred by my parents to the Rose Hawthorne Catholic School. It was a grammar school and high school in Concord, but the high school was only for girls. I went to Rose Hawthorne because my sister was there and I had to basically take her because she was younger, so I would take her to the bus and get her on the bus and we’d go up to the school and I’d keep an eye on her, that sort of thing.
And then I went to Boston College High School, 1960 to 1964, and I went there because my brother went there, but it was considered the best Jesuit Catholic High School in the Boston area. So I did four years of Jesuits and studied Latin for four years, ancient Greek for three years. And I had two math courses in my entire high school career. Well, which was fine with me. I have nothing to do with math. I’ve never enjoyed it or liked it at all. So, I’m basically sort of a classic education, the Greek and Roman classics and ancient literature and all that. I graduated from BC High in 1964 and then went to Boston College, which was sort of an automatic step. It was hard to go to BC High and not be accepted to BC because both Jesuit schools and both very closely related.
So I went to BC ’64 through ’68. I was in the business school. Actually, when I went there it’s funny how things change. When I went there the only schools that women were allowed in, this was in a college, was the school of nursing and teaching, because that’s what women did. It never occurred to anybody that women might actually be interested in business, let alone be good at it. So there were no women in my class in the entire class. But it was in college that I met my first Jew and my first Black, I had never met a Jew except for one doctor, a pediatrician, in my life. And I had never met a Black person in my life except late in high school I think my mother had a Black woman come in from Roxbury to do the cleaning once a week or something like that.
And there was, in my class, there was one Jew and one Black and that was it. And the Black guy died I think between sophomore and junior year. But it was a very, what would be the right word, closed education. It was white, it was Catholic. I was exposed to virtually nothing, except white Catholic culture, which has its good points, but it also has an awful lot of bad points. But there it is. Anyway, I was in the School of Business in BC. And in my third year I decided I had absolutely zero interest in business, and I was much more interested in history. So I decided I would transfer from the School of Business to the School of Education. And in order to do that and still graduate in 1968, I had to take I think six or seven courses in my junior year in the second semester.
But it was a really heavy course load and it was so unusually heavy that the guidance counselor called me in. The first time I’d ever met the guidance counselor. I didn’t even know I had one. But yeah, he asked me why I was taking all of these extra courses. And I think they were mostly English literature and history courses and things like that so I could catch up on the number of credits to graduate from the School of Education in 1968, the same year I’d graduate if I stayed in the Business School, and get my teaching certificate. And so I said to him, “I don’t want to be in business and it bores me and I don’t like the math or the accounting, and I want to teach.” And he said, “Well, that’s fine.” He says, “You do realize there’s a war going on, right?.” It was sort of a silly question in 1968, because that’s all anybody ever thought about then, it seemed .I said, “Yeah.” And if you stop and think for a moment, trying to stay in the 1968 graduating class instead of just taking an extra year to ’69 or ‘70 was about the stupidest thing you could possibly do, because in ’68, if you didn’t go to grad school, you went into the Army. It was just as simple as that. And everybody’s trying to find ways to get out of going into the Army or the Navy or any of the services. And one of the ways of doing it was going to grad school. But he said to me, and this is why he asked, “Do you realize there’s a war going on?” In those days, they were giving a draft deferment for college and also for graduate school. So if you went on to graduate school, you’d get a deferment. And so you’d have people in college delaying graduation or going to grad school for years just trying to avoid the draft.
He said to me, “All of those guys who can’t afford to stay in college are looking for the job that will give them a deferment.” And that wasing, because teachers were deferred. And they don’t really want to be teachers, he said, so they’re taking the biggest gut course they can, they think that’s history.” He said, “So by the time you graduate, son, you’re going to be in competition with about 15,000 wannabe history teachers. None of whom really want to be history teachers, but you’re going to be in competition with them for a teaching job anyway. You’re not going to get a job and you’re going to wind up getting drafted.” And I said, “Well, I hadn’t thought of it that way,” and obviously I hadn’t.
He suggested what I should do is stay with business, and take a degree in economics. He said economics would open me up for all sorts of different paths, not just business. And he turned out to be right. It was very good advice in the long run. So, I took the degree in economics and I graduated in ’68 cum laude. And prior to graduation, I applied to law school and I applied to five or six law schools I think.
I took the LSATs as they were called. And in those days they were scored on 800. That was the max you could get. And I took the LSATs and I got a 620. And I thought, “Mm, not bad.” I wasn’t impressed, but the guidance counselors were impressed. It is a different guy, a different guidance counselor. But he started talking, “You got a 620?” And I said, “Yeah.” He says… It turned out all the guys who were getting straight A’s got 400, 425, 450, and I got a 620.
How the hell I did it, I don’t know. I didn’t study for it or anything. I just went in and took the exam. So probably God’s way of putting me on the right path without my knowing it and not telling me so I wouldn’t fuck it up. But in any case, I applied to, I got into, I don’t remember what I applied to. I applied to Harvard and Yale, which were total long shots, but their cut off… Harvard was 625, and I had 620. And the guy said, “You got really good marks and it’s close. You might luck out.” Yale. I think their cutoff was 610, 612, something like that. I didn’t get into Harvard, obviously. And Yale, the application was a couple days late, so they didn’t accept it. But I got into Cornell, Georgetown, Columbia, and I think I was wait-listed at Virginia. Don’t hold me to that, it’s just my best recollection now.
And so I’m accepted to law school. I haven’t chosen which one yet. And the President decides that he’s going to withdraw all of the deferments for graduate students. It was an election year and he needed to look tough on these college boys, the rich college boys that were avoiding the draft by staying in school for as long as they could. So he withdrew the grad school deferments. So I wrote to each of the schools I was accepted at and I said, “Thank you for the acceptance. I’m really thrilled. But what happens if I get drafted before I register or if I register and then get drafted while I’m in law school?”
And all of them wrote back basically saying, “Well, gee, that would really be too bad.” Except for Cornell. Cornell wrote back and said, “If you get drafted even before registration or go into the service before registration, notify us six months before you are released from the service. If you want to come back, we will reactivate your application at no charge to you, taking into account the fact that you have already been accepted once, and the maturity gained in the service of your country.”
So I knew I had my law school, and that was that. And that’s what I did. I went into the Army. I did, what did they call it? Not ROTC, it was Officer Candidate School, OCS. You go into the Army and you serve as an enlisted man through basic training and advanced training. Advanced infantry training for me, because I managed to land in the infantry. That’s another story. But I got through all of that. And then what you did is you would go to Officer Candidate School, this whole process, basic training, advanced infantry training, and OCS took about 10 or 12 months, and at the end of it you would be honorably discharged and then you would immediately re-enlist, or enlist, as an officer, and then do two years from then. So I did roughly three years, which was longer than if I had been drafted, but at least I served as an officer. So that all happened between ’68 and ’71. And in ’70 I went to Vietnam. So I got to stop and let you ask a question because I don’t want to…
Jeff Guin:
No, you don’t have to stop at any point. Your answers are good.
Greg Baldwin:
All right. You want me to keep going with the army then, or?
Jeff Guin:
Well, just a clarification. So you voluntarily went into the Officer Candidate School?
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, I was going to be drafted. I contacted the Draft Board. My father knew the woman who was in charge of the Draft Board itself. Every district or section had a Draft Board and they would select who would be drafted for that class. I don’t recall how often they drafted per year, but they were in charge of it. So I called her up and I said, “Look, I’ve been admitted to law school and I’ve got what I think is a really great idea here.” This is how naive I was. I said to them, “How about this? If you don’t draft me for three years, I get through law school, I get a degree, and then I’ll enlist in the Army and I’ll go into JAG or something like that. And that way everybody comes out ahead.” She was kind enough not to laugh at me.
And she said, in all seriousness, she said, “Well, I understand Greg, and I sympathize with your position. It’s tough choices.” But she said, “The best that I can do for you is I will let you go for one year, but if the quotas keep as high as they are now,” this was really at almost the height of the war. She said, “If the quotas stay as high as they are now, there’s no way I can let you go for two or three years. So if you want to go to law school, go ahead, but you’re probably going to be drafted in your second year.” So I thought, “Well, it doesn’t make a great deal of sense to go to law school for one year and then get drafted, when I know I’m going to be able to get into the law school for three uninterrupted years after I go into and finish the service.”
So I decided in light of that, what I would do is simply enlist. I couldn’t get into Navy OCS because I flunked the exam. I couldn’t do the math. Math just always comes back to haunt me. But anyway, I flunked that. I went to the Army, and the Army recruiter, of course, they were accepting anything that breathed. You didn’t even have to be able to talk. It was just, it was desperate. It was tough times. And I said, “Well…” I said to him, “I want to enlist, and I want to go to officer school because I went to college.” As if the one entitles you to the other, I learned the hard way that doesn’t work that way. Just because you went to college doesn’t mean you’ll be a good officer. Actually, it probably means exactly the opposite, but that’s another story.
Anyway, I told him, “I want to be an officer, but not in the Infantry.” And he said, “Well, unfortunately, the only officer school that’s available right now is Infantry.” And I thought, “Gee, I don’t want to be an infantry officer.” I mean, that’s a one-way ticket to Vietnam.
So I said to him, “No, I don’t think I want to do Infantry OCS.” And he says, “Well, listen, son,” I’ll never forget, he puts his arm around my shoulder. He goes, “Son, with an educational background like yours, they’ll give you a branch transfer in a heartbeat.” And I bought that one too. I said I was naive, and I was. I was brought up in a white bubble, all the white privilege and all the shit that goes with it, I had. And I had never developed any street smarts or anything like that until I got into the Army. And the Army was the first time in my life that I was ever actually responsible for myself. I mean, they fed and clothed me, but if I screwed up somewhere along the line, I was the one who paid for it. There was no mummy and daddy to take care of things anymore.
So that’s where I did basically my growing up. And it was an ugly process, but I did. And so I got into the Army Infantry Officer Candidate School. I went to Fort Dix in New Jersey for basic. For AIT, the advanced infantry training was Fort Polk in Louisiana. Both of those I think have been renamed now, because Dix I think was a Confederate General, and Polk certainly was a Confederate General. And then Benning, and I think Benning has been renamed as well. So none of them, they’re still there, but not under the same name. So I did Fort Dix, then Fort Polk in Louisiana, then Fort Benning in Georgia, got my commission and was sent to Fort Hood in Texas. And Fort Hood’s been renamed as well because he was a Confederate General.
I spent six, maybe eight months just learning the ropes of being an officer and making all of the basic mistakes that you make as an new officer, as a second lieutenant, brand new, fresh out of college, and thinking that you know everything when you actually know almost nothing. But I didn’t know that. I was stationed at Fort Hood for I think six to eight months. And then instead of sending me directly to Vietnam, for some reason they sent me to Panama to Jungle School Training. And they also sent me to Heavy Mortar Platoon Officer School. Heavy mortar. You know what a mortar is, of course. The average mortar that people think of is maybe this high off the ground. It’s like about three feet long. Somebody has to carry it around with the platoon, but it’s right there with you in the field. Heavy mortar stays behind, it’s much, much bigger and heavier.
I can’t remember the calibers now, but I think there was a 60 millimeter mortar that went into the field with the platoon, but I don’t remember what caliber the heavy mortar was. So I went to Heavy Mortar Platoon Leader School. And then I went to Jungle School in Panama for two weeks, which was just ugly. That was really tough training. And got through that. And then I got my orders and I went to Vietnam, I think, let me think, it was 1970. I went into the Army in July ’68. 1970 was when I went to Vietnam. March, I believe, early March, and was assigned to a unit in Northern I Corps. That’s Northern “EyE’ Corps, it was Roman numeral one. So they just called it I (Eye) Corps. And I went to Northern I Corps and Northern I Corps is where the DMZ was. The DMZ was the demilitarized zone. We used to call it the “Pink Line,” because on the map it was a big pink stripe across the map dividing North and South Viet Nam.
I was stationed in Quang Tri, but not in the city, because they wouldn’t, I don’t know why, but they would not let us mix with the population at all. We were on a base outside the city and we stayed on the base, and that was it. It was called Camp Roberts, and I was there when they held the naming ceremony. During the ceremony my men were snickering and giggling, and when it was over I asked my Platoon Sergeant, why there laughing. And he said, “Well LT, Captain Roberts was fragged by his own men.” Welcome to Viet Nam. Anyway, I never saw Quang Tri city, but that’s where I was stationed. And after about three months, June, some time in June, we got, I won’t go into all the details because it’s not really worth it, but I wound up getting into an ambush. I was in our NDP, our night defensive perimeter. And it was early morning, and I was the lieutenant. I had all the squad leaders gather around me by the radio. The radio was what we called a prick-25. I don’t mean to be vulgar, but it was called that. Officially it was a PRC-25. But it was PRC, those were the military initials.
And the PRC-25 had an expandable antenna. You could collapse it down to about a foot, but it would expand to 20 feet, and you needed to expand it to use it. So we gathered at the radio, and I gave the squad leaders their orders and said to them, we were in no big rush, didn’t expect to find anything. So I said to them, “Go back, get your guys ready. Make sure they get a good breakfast.” This is around maybe half hour after dawn or something like that, because you’re in the field, so there’s no bed to get out of.
And then I sent them off on their way, and I stood there at the radio. I called in to report to the main base. So the antenna goes up. And it never — it should have occurred to me, it didn’t occur to me — that standing at the radio was like standing in the middle of a bull’s eye. Because around us, it wasn’t jungle, it was all open area. It was the northern part of the country. So it wasn’t jungle like down in Saigon or along the, what was the name of that river? The Saigon River? I can’t remember. Mekong River. But it wasn’t like that at all. It was much more open and hilly.
And I’m standing at the radio, and all around us was thick, high grass, maybe about, I vaguely recall, maybe about five feet high or something. And you trample it down so that you have a field of fire. But putting up the antenna for the PRC-25 was sort of putting up a flag saying, “Aim here.” And so I stood in front of the radio after the sergeants all left, the squad leaders. And I thought to myself, “I ought to get my gear ready.” And then I thought, “No, I already got my gear ready.” My gear was probably 10 feet away like from here to Mark, maybe a little bit more.
And I thought, “No, there’s no need to do that.” And then I thought, “Well, I should clean my weapon.” And then I thought, “No, I just cleaned my weapon 20 minutes or half an hour ago. Why do it again?” And then I thought, “Well, those things always jam.” M-16s were sort of a pain. I thought, “It can’t hurt to clean it again.” So I sort of turned slowly from the radio and I sort of very leisurely strolled towards my gear. That’s where my weapon was. And I heard this big, not a big explosion, but a bang. And for some reason, to this day, I still don’t know why. But instead of just dropping. And you can just drop, it’s very easy. You just pull your feet out from under you and you land on your hands, but you sort of wind up in a push-up position and then go the rest of the way down without hurting yourself.
But I didn’t do that. I don’t know why. I was trained to do it. I’d done it a hundred times before, but that day I didn’t. I turned around to look what it was, see what it was. And I remember seeing the rocket coming through the grass. It was an RPG. We were in not our usual area. We normally operated where there were no tanks at all. But this was a special mission, so to speak, that we had been called out on. And we were sent to a different area where they – the US, I mean — did have tanks. And so, since we were using tanks in this area, the other guys, the other side was using RPGs, which are rocket propelled grenades. It’s sort of like a bazooka, it’s a shoulder held rocket that shoots off a launcher you’re holding on your shoulder, and goes after a tank. And that’s what they fired at me.
And I saw the damn thing coming through the grass. That’s when I dropped, but it was too late. And so I caught… The damn thing, the thing actually hit where I was standing when I was at the radio. I don’t know if they were aiming at me, or the radio, or the antenna, but that’s where it hit. If I had stayed there, my legs would’ve been blown off and I would’ve been killed. But for some reason, I moved to clean my weapon again, not really wanting to, and not really having to. But I got just far enough away from it where it didn’t kill me, but it wounded me.
Greg Baldwin:
Where it didn’t kill me, but it wounded me. These things have a shaped charge, is what they were called. At least that’s my recollection, which means that when you set off a grenade, it explodes and it’s 180 degrees all the way, a 360 degrees circle. It explodes everywhere, right, on the ground. Right. A shaped charge, all the force of the explosion goes forward. That’s because it’s aimed at armor and it’s supposed to penetrate armor and take out a tank. So all of the explosive power has to go into the tank itself in order to take the tank out. And that’s what saved me really, because the shaped charge meant that instead of being in the full impact like I would’ve been with a hand grenade, I was on the side just at the edge of the cone of the explosion.
So I caught a lot of shrapnel and I got a couple of big pieces in my right knee and I had shrapnel all over my left side. I looked like a comic book character for a couple of years, I guess. They take out the big pieces, but they don’t take the little ones out. The little pieces, the body just rejects them and it pushes them out of your body. You don’t even know it’s happening. You don’t feel it. But the little pieces just break through the skin and fall off.
So anyway, I got what they called a million dollar wound. It was good enough to get you home, but not bad enough to fuck you up for life. And this one, I had two big pieces of shrapnel. One went just between the kneecap and the joint bones, the two bones. I mean, a millimeter in any direction would’ve either shattered my kneecap or hit the joint and shattered both bones. But it didn’t. It just went under my kneecap, and I got another one on my lower thigh, inner thigh.
So they medivaced me out. And I went to, let me see, I went to field hospital first. I was wearing glasses at the time and the glasses shattered of course, and I had a big cut up long here, cross my forehead, cut through the eyebrow, down around, up somewhere in my lip here. The scar on my lip is still there and there’s a little chink in my eyebrow if you really look closely. But nothing else is left. But it actually cut my eyelid and I didn’t lose my eye. I mean, talk about a million dollar wound. I mean, if you got to order a wound in advance, this is the one to get really, because some guy in some tent in Vietnam sewed my eyelid back together and didn’t leave not even a mark. There’s no scar, there’s absolutely nothing. And I wish I knew who it was because I would like to at least say thank you.
(00:31:04)
Jeff Guin:
So can I ask when that happened, what were you thinking? What were you feeling?
Greg Baldwin:
I’m not really sure. The first thing that I thought of, I remember now, I mean, it flipped me over and I wound up flat on my back a couple feet away from where I had been. I don’t know how far. And I was unconscious, but I came out of it. I don’t think I was unconscious for long, maybe 20 seconds or something like that, I think. I’m not sure. But I came out of it and the first thing I did was check to make sure that my arms and legs were there. And as long as I had two arms and two legs, I was fine. If I had lost one of them, I would’ve just stayed there bled to death. I was not going to go back with one leg or one arm. Let me see. And then you just sort of to go into automatic mode because I’m in charge of, platoons are technically, I think around 30 people, but in Vietnam, they were usually 15 to 20, I think.
So I’m in charge of 15 or 20 guys out there, and I don’t have time to think of other stuff. So I called in, I got a hold of the radio. I guess I crawled over to the radio, I don’t know, but it was fortunately still working, and I reported in, let them know that we got hit. And then I called for artillery and gunships and medevac. I should not have called for artillery and gunships at the same time because if you’ve got artillery coming in, you can’t have helicopters there. Obvious danger. You’re going to wind up knocking your own helicopters out either by being hit or the blast or something like that. So I shouldn’t have done that, but I did. And it turned out to be a doubly stupid mistake because this is an area we weren’t familiar with. In our area, if you called in artillery, artillery was there within a couple of minutes.
In this other area, there were a lot of civilians in the area, so in order to fire artillery anywhere around that area, they had to get permission from the mayor of the city as well as all of the military chain. And they couldn’t find the mayor. So it probably took about 20 minutes to get the first artillery rounds out. Well, in the meantime, the gunships arrived and I’ve got the senior squad leader is now with me and on the radio, and he said that the, I can’t remember if it was the medevac first or the gunships, but helicopters arrived first, obviously, because they never take more than a couple minutes.
And I said to him, “Tell them not to come in. They have to wait for the artillery.” Finally, the artillery came in, big explosion, blah, blah, blah, no repeat, because I wanted the gunships to do their thing and get the medevac to land. Me, our Kit Carson Scout, the platoon sergeant, I think we were just the only ones that were hit because they hit the command post, where I was, the platoon was always circled around that.
Had to pull the Kit Carson Scout out of the foxhole. But I didn’t bother to get in the foxhole because I didn’t think I’d be able to get out. And all I remember is the medevac finally came in. The gunships were there. I think they did it at the same time. The bottom line of the thing is you run on adrenaline, you’re not really thinking. So I wasn’t thinking, oh boy, I’m going home or anything. I just wanted to make sure I was physically intact. And then the training sort of kicks in and you start doing things and you do them automatically. The toughest part was waiting for the God damn artillery to come out. And I sure wish I hadn’t ordered that, but once you order it, you can’t take it back. Or at least I don’t think you could. But anyway, I didn’t.
Anyway, they medevaced me out. I remember one of the guys coming, he picks me up by the shoulders and he says, “Come on LT, we got to get to the helicopter.” And my legs wouldn’t work. I couldn’t move them. So he dragged me over to the helicopter and got me in, and the platoon sergeant. A Kit Carson Scout, by the way, is a native Vietnamese assigned to a US unit down at the platoon level. Not everyone got one, but I happen to have one. And you use them to shout out as you’re patrolling to any enemy in the area. Come on, surrender, join us, the food is good, democracy is wonderful, capitalism is the only way to go, all that sort of shit, the standard propaganda crap. Of course it never worked, but you have to go through the motions. I think I only used him once, but anyway, but he was a nice guy.
Buk was his name. And so it’s the three of us. And we get medevaced out. We go to field hospital first, then I think Da Nang. But nobody is telling you where you’re going and you’re really not functioning, or at least I wasn’t. The adrenaline is roaring. And here, I guess I’ve lost consciousness at some point. And the first thing I really remember is being in a hospital, I think in Da Nang. And when you get wounded and you’re sent to the medevac hospital, they don’t undress you. They just take scissors and cut your clothes off. And I was wearing a pair of handmade rosary beads that someone somewhere in the Midwest had just blindly sent, sort of support the troops type of thing. It was some parish or yeah, it must’ve been a Catholic parish because nobody else uses rosaries, that they make them and send them. And I got one in the mail one day, and I put it on, wore it.
Being a Catholic, I guess means being suspicious, but I take that back, it’s not fair. But I was personally suspicious and I wore the rosary, and I remember they were going to cut it off and I asked them not to. So they had to fit it over my head. And it was a tight fit, and my face was a mess. It was all cut up and bloody and all sorts of shit like that. But I still got the rosary beads. And then they operated on me there. And then they sent me to Japan, I don’t know where, some hospital in Japan, military hospital. And they operated on me there. And I wound up with a cast basically from waist to ankle or to my feet. And I was in that thing for months.
Anyway, they sent me from Japan to Fort Devens Massachusetts, because the Army policy, as I understand it, was that if they medevaced you home, they would try and put you in a hospital near where you lived so family could visit and stuff like that. When I went into the service, I was single and my home of record was in Lexington. But after I married, I wanted to be put somewhere near her, and she was living in Plymouth, Mass. So the nearest facility, actually, the nearest facility was an Air Force base on Cape Cod. But they were thinking, we need to put him close to Lexington, his home of record. So I was medevaced to Fort Devens , north of Lexington and Boston. And I was there for, let me see, this was June, maybe four to six months. I don’t really remember. I remember, let me see, this was near the 4th of July. I was in the hospital by the 4th of July in Fort Devens in my cast. I was there for maybe a week and they wanted to give everybody on the post a pass for 4th of July. So they basically, if you were even remotely ambulatory and you weren’t hooked to a machine, basically they gave you a pass and said, get the fuck out of here. We’re closing the hospital for the long weekend.
So that was the first time I went home. My sister-in-law picked me up because my wife is a nurse and she was working, and drove me down to Plymouth, which is when my first son was conceived, cast and all. And actually that is true, that’s when my oldest son was conceived. Ultimately, they didn’t give me a medical discharge from the Army. And I don’t know why, because my leg was all fucked up and I was in a cast and then on crutches for I think about six months. But instead of discharging me, they sent me to Fort Hood again. And so I stayed in Fort Hood until April 1971, when I was discharged. I was supposed to stay in the Army, the end of my two years would’ve been I think the following June, something like that. But they let me out in April. It was called an “Early Out” because the war was starting to wind down and guys were being let out early. So I was honorably discharged and went back and stayed in Plymouth, worked for a couple of months, and then went on to law school.
I was a really terrible officer. No, I really was in retrospect. I was sort of like Cicero, you know the Roman, Cicero? Cicero’s a great politician, great speaker, great lawyer. What nobody knows about him, he was actually in the Roman military for some emergency situation. He didn’t enlist because when you enlisted, you enlisted for 20 years. But he was in and he was an absolutely terrible soldier. He wrote about it once, I forget what it’s called, and I was sort of like that. Yeah, good lawyer, terrible fucking soldier. Absolutely awful. I just made every mistake you could make. It’s like my first trial. My first trial, I fucked up everything you could conceivably fuck up in a trial. I mean, it was like a textbook. If they had made a movie of it, it would’ve been a comedy. But I learned from it. And all those mistakes I made, I never made again. And I think the mistakes that I made as an officer I wouldn’t make again. But they were the product of hubris and immaturity. Believe me I,-
Jeff Guin:
You’re a little hard on yourself. I mean, no one is just, or very few people I would imagine would be ideal officers just starting out.
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, well, I’m not talking about being an ideal officer, just being a decent officer. I mean, it was just, yeah. I wasn’t cut out for it. That’s all there is to it. It was just I was, I can’t think of an expression to get it across. I was just in the wrong place. I should never have been an officer.
Jeff Guin:
You knew that though, right?
Greg Baldwin:
Well, I didn’t know it at the time. At the time I thought I was just doing fine. It’s in retrospect where I realized, I mean, all of the mistakes I made and all the things that I did that I ought not to have done. I pushed my platoon sergeant in Viet Nam, my first platoon sergeant, and my men, too hard, but it’s water under the bridge now.
Jeff Guin:
Well, it’s not exactly like that was something you were going to go to school for or you intended to ever pursue as a profession, so.
Greg Baldwin:
No, that’s true. But other people were in the same boat. They came from college and they were much better at it than I was. But it’s done now. I can’t take it back or can’t change it. So there it is. I wouldn’t give it up. I wouldn’t trade it for anything. If I had to live my life over again, I’d do exactly the same. I’d just like to be able to, if I do it over again, I’d like to be able to remember the mistakes I made the first time around so I didn’t make them again, but.
Jeff Guin:
So were they mistakes that got people hurt or just mistakes that,-
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, no. No. No, no. It was just stupid things.
Jeff Guin:
Okay.
Greg Baldwin:
Too formal with the men. In combat, you can’t do that. You need to be on a first-name basis. And I wasn’t, I was too stuck up is probably the right word. I was too conscious of the fact that I was an officer and they were not, which is really a fatal error for any officer. You can’t think of your men that way. You can’t treat them like some lower-class things that are there just to follow your orders. You have to earn their respect. And I did not. And they were right not to give it, but yeah. It is what it is and it’s over now. So yeah.
Jeff Guin:
We’ll get back to your education at Cornell in a minute, but I wanted to go back to your earlier growing up and just thinking about from the perspective of becoming an emerging gay man, what was that like, especially in the bubble that you described?
Greg Baldwin:
Inside that bubble it was bitter hell. I knew absolutely nothing about sex. I was never taught anything about sex. They didn’t do that in Catholic schools, they didn’t do that in Catholic families, al least not in mine, they taught it in public school, but they did not in Catholic schools because it was just dirty. So I was brought up basically thinking that virtually everything sexual was a sin unless it was done in a married state. And even then, some of the things that you did, you couldn’t do without committing a sin. I mean, it was just a jumble of suspicion and repression and puritanism and stuff like that. So I was just a hopeless case. I really was. And it was complicated by the fact that I wasn’t interested in girls. And all of my friends who were going through puberty and they’re all going crazy over Playboy Magazine because their fathers would get it and their sons would read it, all that.
And I’d look at the pictures and think, what’s the big deal? But I knew how to play the part. So I’d go, oh wow, look at her. But it meant absolutely nothing to me. I had absolutely no reaction and I couldn’t figure out why. Oh, first of all, I couldn’t figure out why they were excited and then I couldn’t figure out why I wasn’t like them. And I had no words for it. The word gay didn’t exist to me. The word homosexual didn’t exist to me. I had absolutely no clue. Everything that was happening to my body was, I was the only one because there was nobody there who ever told me, these are the things that just happen as you grow up and this is how you do this and this is how you do that and I just never had any of that.
And it’s the real serious downside of being a white Anglo-Saxon Catholic wrapped in that bubble. It’s great protection. And you get all sorts of privileges with it. You learn basically, if you’re a white boy, especially male, and you play by the rules, everything will come to you. Nothing really bad will happen.
And even Vietnam didn’t seem bad to me within that context because it was part of playing by the rules. You live in the country, there is a draft. You’re expected to defend your country. This is what you do and you do it. My father at one point actually said to me that he could get me into the National Guard, which was what everybody wanted to do. When you get out of college with no deferments, you had to get into the National Guard, otherwise you’d get drafted. And it turned out, I found out he had to bribe some guy in the National Guard to put me up on the list to get in. And I told him no, because you play by the rules. That’s just the way I was. And I was brought up to do that. So when you’re playing by the rules and you’re brought up that way, you really don’t know squat about sex. And I didn’t.
I learned sort of a hard way, but I didn’t have any words. Sexual orientation meant nothing to me. I didn’t have the words. I thought I was the only person who looked at Playboy pictures of girls and didn’t react. And sometimes I wondered if they were all faking, all the guys, until I went to a trip to California. It was the first solo trip I ever took in my life. Went out to visit a girl that I had met on Cape Cod the year before. I think this was, when was this? It must’ve been early in college, maybe my second year But it was that age, like 19. And I went out to California. Visited this girl who lived in Santa Ana, just outside of Los Angeles in Orange County, then visited some relatives who lived there.
And then I wanted to take the train, the train through the Big Sur, the one that goes along the coast to San Francisco, unbelievably scenic. I still remember it to this day. It was fabulous. But I took it from Santa Santa and or Los Angeles or somewhere around there. But I got on the train down there and went to San Francisco. Now why San Francisco? Well, I think it was all subliminal. I never would’ve admitted this in a million years, but sometime before this trip, The Saturday Evening Post, I don’t know, have you ever heard of that? Life Magazine, Look Magazine, Saturday Evening Post. They’re large size picture magazines with stories. Saturday Evening Post was the one that my parents subscribed to and they had an issue once, no idea when it was, but it was before my trip to California where the front cover was the skyline of San Francisco.
And the logo for the story inside was “San Francisco: Queer Capital of the World.” Which is probably why I wanted to go to San Francisco, although I did want the train ride too. But I think that’s why I went to San Francisco. And that was the first time, I’ll never forget this. I can even take you to the store where this happened. There’s a store, sort of a triangular shape, very strange layout. But at the end of it, it was almost all glass. And they had a magazine rack and there was gay magazines there, soft-core porn. And I just saw the cover of one of them. Almost fell over. And it was then that I understood what the guys, my friends were seeing, thinking and feeling when they looked at women. And I got the same thing looking at guys in this magazine. It was no full nudity or anything like that, but finally I saw the light.
I went into the store. I don’t know how the hell I ever got the balls to do this, probably only because nobody knew me in San Francisco, so I felt safer. But I went to the store and I bought the magazine, and that was when I started, I don’t know where I got the words, but started to understand the concept of queer because I connected my feelings with the queer capital of the world. So I knew I was queer, but I knew I wasn’t supposed to be queer. I’m not supposed to be that way. So I can’t be that way. I mean, that’s not part of the rules. That’s not the territory here. I’m not supposed like to guys. I knew that. I knew that just simply because I mean in this society, if you got called queer, it was instant death. Even I knew that much.
You just never recover from it socially, in a sense. I knew all that stuff. So I knew I wasn’t supposed to be this way, but I was beginning to understand I was this way, and I entered into what might have become, but fortunately was not, a never-ending quest to not be “that way.” So I learned to play the game, the straight game. I don’t think I played it very well because it turns out that most of my friends knew I was gay, but they were too polite or too embarrassed to say anything. And in those days, you wouldn’t ask a person that. And if they had asked me, I would’ve denied it to my dying day. I would’ve pulled out 20 Bibles and swore I wasn’t, knowing full well that I was. But if I swore I wasn’t, what it meant was I don’t want to be. Right. I am, but I don’t want to be. I know this is not right. I know I’m not supposed to be queer.
Jeff Guin:
So why do you think that they thought that or knew it?
Greg Baldwin:
I don’t know. I guess I didn’t play the game as well as I thought I played it. Maybe I was just not good with girls. Maybe they could see that I really wasn’t interested in girls. I don’t know. I mean, I dated and stuff like that, but I was certainly no Romeo and I mean, I’d say look at me, dating girls, but I’m talking about me 65 years ago and I’m not sure how they knew.
Jeff Guin:
I think you seem like a military man.
Greg Baldwin:
I was a fucking dork. I had glasses, I was skinny. I was about as attractive as a banana peel, I think.
Jeff Guin:
There’s lots of dorks out there today. That doesn’t make them gay.
Greg Baldwin:
No, no. I’m not saying that looking like a dork makes you gay, but I was just not good with girls. I was tongue-tied and all the rest of that stuff. I’d brag with the best of them and make up stories and all the rest of that. But a couple of the guys, not all of them, but one in particular basically knew I was gay. Semi-confronted me on it once, but I just sort of ignored it.
Greg Baldwin:
Semi-confronted me on it once, but I just sort of ignored it and it went away. Then I got married, so they figured, “Oh, I must’ve been wrong.” I mean, the way out of the problem of being gay was to get married. I went to San Francisco and I did have an experience there that I won’t go into. But I came back from San Francisco, and being a good Catholic boy, following all the rules, I went to confession. You know, you’re supposed to do it once a month. I confessed this, I confessed it to some sort of … What’s the, I can’t think of the word.
I didn’t say, “I slept with a guy,” or something like that. I had a euphemism for it, that’s the word. “I was impure in action with others,” some silliness like that. So I confessed this. No, I actually, no, no. It was after San Francisco, I realized I was a homosexual, and I almost coped with it. What threw me back, I wasn’t out by any means except to myself, and that very little. But I was there, I was beginning to understand it and accept it, and recognize that’s what I am. I went to confession and I confessed to homosexuality, and the priest didn’t say a word. Got no lecture, got no shit, got no screaming or yelling. Holy cow. I mean, “Go say five of our fathers, five Hail Marys. Make a good Act of Contrition.” I got out of that confession and I thought, “Fucking A, man, I’m home. I can mess around all week, come to confession on Saturday, all I have to do is hold out from Saturday afternoon to Sunday morning Mass, go to communion, then fuck around all week, go to confession again on Saturday.
I thought, “I’ve got the answer to this whole problem. I’m home free.” So that’s what I did for the first week. I think maybe the second week, same thing happened. But the third week, no. The priest said to me, “Son …” He didn’t know me, he was a new priest in the parish. I went to him because he didn’t know me. So anyway, he says, “Son, about this homosexual thing, have you seen a doctor?” No, no. He said, “Have you gotten any help for this?” I just thought, “Help? Help? What help? And why would I need help?” Then I thought, “Oh, I’m a good Catholic boy, I’m supposed to have a regular confessor.” That was a key thing, a regular confessor. He was new in the perish. So I said to him, “Well, my regular confessor just left the parish, Father.”
He says, “No, no, I’m not talking about a regular confessor. Have you seen a doctor?” I remember kneeling there thinking, “Doctor? Why the fuck would I want to see a doctor?” Of course, I didn’t think, “Why the fuck.” “Why would I want to see a doctor?” I forget what I said to him, I couldn’t get out of there fast enough. I don’t think I ever went to confession again until I was in the hospital after Vietnam. I was in Fort Devens and I was lying in the bed and some goddamn priest came up with the stole on and said, “I’ll hear you Confession now.” So that’s the last time I ever went to confession, and that was only because I was ambushed.
But me and the church sort of parted company around that time. The real thing that killed me with the Catholic church really wasn’t the sexual orientation, though, it was the hypocrisy of it. Because I remember in Vietnam when we were in the field, as opposed in the rear area, you never really knew what day of the week it was. It was totally irrelevant to your life anyway. Whether it was Monday or Tuesday, it meant nothing. You’re just out there and you’re trying to fight. You find the bad guy and kill them, or they find you and kill you. But it doesn’t matter what day it is.
So every once in a while they’d send out a Protestant or Catholic, I don’t remember any Jew, any Rabbi coming out. But I remember the Protestant minister and the Catholic priest. The Catholic priest came out one time. We’re in this night defense of perimeter. He sets up an altar, and he built the altar out of mortar crates. Mortar crates are, I can’t give you the dimensions, maybe four feet long, three feet wide, something like that, heavy as lead, solid wood and about maybe this high. So you pile them up, you pile six or seven of them up and you’ve got a decent altar.
I’m thinking of the irony of an altar to Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, made out of objects designed expressly to kill other people. I thought, “Well, that’s not so hot, but what else can he do?” So I brushed it off. But then he gave a sermon, they never gave sermons in the field, but this idiot did, probably about 5 minutes. But in his sermon, and basically what he said, it’s almost a quote, he said that, “Any man who dies for his country, the church says will go straight to heaven. And if you’re here in Vietnam, you are fighting for your country, so if you are killed, you will go straight to heaven.” I thought, “What kind of bullshit is this?”
I mean, that just threw out all of the teachings that had ever been drilled into me right out the window. It was then that I realized that this is just a bunch of shit. This is a bunch of crap. I got no use for this. When I came home, with my parents, I’d go to Mass and stuff like that. But I was over it at that point. So now I don’t have the church on my back, but I’m married. I got married, and I think in retrospect that it was because … The church’s cure for homosexuality was the love of a good woman and I remember that being said. “The love of a good woman will straighten you out.” I loved my wife. I think I still do love my ex-wife. We did have physical relations, of course, I have two kids. But it was never fun for me, it was more of a duty than anything else. It was difficult, but that’s what it was … I’m losing the point of where we were going with this. You were asking me how I came out?
(01:02:04)
Jeff Guin:
Well, no, just the progression of you dealing with these things. Kind of looking at the pathway for your emergence. So you described your childhood. So you were basically, by the time you went to the … You had the San Francisco visit, there was no contact-
Greg Baldwin:
No-
Jeff Guin:
With another man. Were you a virgin at that point?
Greg Baldwin:
No, I was just doing the average adolescent kind of stuff. That was about all.
Jeff Guin:
So from the trip to San Francisco to the time that you got married was how long?
Greg Baldwin:
Let me see, San Francisco was probably maybe 18 and I got married at 22 or 23. So it was basically college. That was the period of time.
Jeff Guin:
Were there any experiences in college that you connected with-
Greg Baldwin:
No, I don’t recall any sexual experiences in college. Some close calls, but never anything that happened. But like I said, I was not God’s gift to anybody. I mean, you looked at me, you saw a complete dork. Could only be attractive to somebody who was desperate, I think. But anyway, I was attractive enough to get a beautiful wife. God what a woman she was, she is. I am very attracted to smart, independent women. I don’t like the professional housewives. I don’t like the women who build their lives around men. I like women who think for themselves, who speak for themselves, and she was, she is. I did love her. If I had been straight, if I had been straight, I think we’d still be married today. Because I absolutely adored her. I really did love her.
Jeff Guin:
How did you meet?
Greg Baldwin:
We met in college at some house party in Scituate. Scituate is a shore community south of Boston, halfway to Cape Cod. We had a friend who had a house there immediately on the ocean. You’d never build it there today. But this thing at high tide, the front door was maybe five feet from the water. It had no insulation, had electricity, had running water, but no insulation, no heating, just a bare bones cottage. I met her there. My brother was in the Air Force at the time and I was driving his MGTD Roadster, ’53 MGTD Roadster. If you’ve ever seen one, you’d know. It had sweeping Rolls Royce fenders, and it was a beautiful sports car. Even I could attract women in that car, and I attracted her. We started dating. We dated through college. Not exclusively, we broke up at one point, then went back to together. All the standard boy meets girl, boy loses girl, boy gets girl routine, all that stuff.
We got married just after she got out of college, in September 1969 So she was three months out of college. I was a year and three months out of college. I was in the Army. So I came home on leave and we got married in Plymouth. Then we drove from Boston down to Fort Hood, Texas, and we wound up living in Fort Hood. Basically, she had wanted to get married after graduation, and I said, “I know I’m going to Vietnam. I don’t want to leave you as a 20 year-old or 21 year-old widow.” She said to me quite sensibly, she said, “I think that’s my decision, isn’t it? Because if I’m a widow, you won’t be here. So it’s nothing to you.”
She was right. So we get married. And I loved her family. I think I loved her mother more than I loved my own. We were just like soulmates. God I miss that woman. But anyway, so we got married in ’69. I got out of the army in ‘71, a year and a half later, and went to law school and of course with her. We had an apartment in Ithaca, New York, which was where Cornell was. We did the three years in law school. I think I had maybe one gay sexual experience during law school. So I mean, I was not a virgin, but about as close to it as you can get without being one. Very few sexual experiences, but enough to know this is what I wanted.
I got a job after law school with the Justice Department. Actually, they were the only ones who would have me, but that’s another story. I got the job interview with them … Have you ever heard of the Saturday Night Massacre? It’s part of the Watergate story.The original special prosecutor of Nixon wanted his tapes, I think that’s what it was. That was the problem. But Nixon wanted the special prosecutor fired, and Nixon’s attorney general refused to fire the guy and resigned. The Assistant Attorney General I remember was Eliot Richardson, and he became the Attorney General, and he refused to fire the guy, too.
The next guy in line was Robert Bork. Bork is the same guy who was the first Supreme Court nominee to be totally trashed in the Senate hearings, that’s the same guy. Bork agreed to fire the special counsel. So they lost the special counsel, the Attorney General and the next in line Attorney General in one Saturday night, it was all in one weekend, Saturday night, this happened. It was the Saturday Night Massacre. Well, my law school interview to get a job with the Justice Department was the following Monday. I was in my active, extremely liberal phase. I was a McGovern supporter, big time. It was all in reaction to Vietnam, the Army, the upbringing, the Catholic church. I wasn’t going to become a communist, but I was far left. I went to Professor Blakey, Robert Blakey, G. Robert Blakey, a good man. He wrote the RICO Act, the Racketeering Act.
He was my professor in a seminar I was taking on criminal law. The interview was at 10 or 11 o’clock, I went to him at like nine. I said, “I don’t want anything to do with these people. They’re all a bunch of goddamn fascists.” He says, “Greg, look …” He says, “Two things you need to understand. First of all, you’re not going to become the attorney general. You’re going to become a prosecutor. You’re so far down on the totem pole that nobody will even know you’re there. The stuff that happens at the top just doesn’t filter down that way. What happened to Saturday Night Massacre had absolutely no impact,” he said, “on any prosecutor in the Justice Department. So don’t worry about that stuff. Nixon isn’t going to call you up and tell you to do something bad. It’s not going to happen, I promise you.”
He said, “And the second thing is,” and this was probably a little more persuasive, he said, “You’re the first interview. If you cancel, you’re going to piss them off and they’re going to be pissed off for every other person that they interview at this school all day long.” He said, “And that’s not fair to your classmates being interviewed.” So I said, “Okay, I’ll take the interview.” But I didn’t want it. I didn’t want the job. That’s probably why I got it. I went in there not giving a shit about what I said or what answers I gave or anything like that. But lo and behold, a few months later I get the call, they want to hire me. So that’s how I got into the Justice Department.
Jeff Guin:
Let’s step back a minute. Because you were mentioning that you’re very liberal at this point, and I don’t know if you’ve always felt that way?
Greg Baldwin:
I was a lifelong Democrat, but I was Democrat because daddy was a Democrat. My father was a depression Democrat. He was very conservative. But he was a Democrat by God and he voted Democrat, and that’s the way we were.
Jeff Guin:
So you’re very liberal at this time, it’s also like this is the height of this sexual revolution and probably the first time that gay people have a presence on a national scale. So you’re kind of out, but you’re not out-
Greg Baldwin:
Well, I’m out to myself reluctantly and I know it’s something I have to hide. But I was not out in the sense of anybody else knowing.
Jeff Guin:
So your identification with liberal politics is in no way you making that transition-
Greg Baldwin:
Oh no, my becoming a liberal had its limits. It’s like I said, I wasn’t going to become a communist. Because I just had too much training and indoctrination. I didn’t think for myself. I didn’t know that at the time, but I’d probably never had an original thought in my life except for one or two things I did in college by accident, because I was following the rules, the track that was laid out for me. When you’re in the white man category, I want to say the white Anglo-Saxon Protestant, but I’m not Protestant, or I wasn’t. But white Anglo-Saxon male, that’s the place to be. That was the premium in the ’50s and ’60s and well into the ’70s and ’80s and I think even the ’90s. That was the place to be. It still is. I mean, people who say there’s no white privilege, they don’t know what the fuck they’re talking about.
I learned about white privilege, I learned what it was because they took it away from me. When I finally did come out, I lost all my privilege. And it hurts. And it’s scary. So I can tell you there is white privilege. But I’m digressing now away from where you wanted to go. You wanted to go to … Where was I in my head at this time? In my head, I was playing a part. I was acting, literally. I was a gay person, I knew I wasn’t supposed to be a gay person, so I was not going to be a gay person, period. That’s the end of it.
That lasted a good 10 years. I was married, we married … Let me see, when did we split up? I think we split up around the 11th year. Let me see. Married in ’69, and I left in, I think it was in 80.. But in any case …
Jeff Guin:
You said you left?
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, I left. I came out to her. Because I realized, I’m not sure many men understand this, but wives talk to each other and they are extremely graphic. She talked to the other wives, she knew that I was not, I hate to use the word normal, maybe average is better, the average husband. We’d have sex once every three or four weeks and all of her friends are getting it three or four times a week. She didn’t say anything, she didn’t complain. She never complained. She didn’t confront me or anything like that. But I knew it wasn’t good for her. Now at the same time, I had a friend in the Justice Department that I knew was gay, and we had tricked once. No relationship, but we were friends.
From time to time I would have to go … I was stationed in Rochester, New York in the organized crime and racketeering section. So it was called the Rochester Field Office of the Buffalo Strike Force. But it was a one-man office, and I was the one. From time to time, I would have to go to Washington to report or discuss something, some investigation or something like that. I would hook up with my gay friend who was in the Justice Department, he was in the environmental section, I think. I think that’s what they called it, I’m not sure. But he was basically an environmental trial lawyer.
He and I got along very well. We used to talk about my situation. One time we were sitting there probably drinking beer, middle of the night and he says, “Greg, I can understand you destroying your own life, because it’s your life. If you want to destroy it, go ahead.” He said, “What I don’t understand is why you’re willing to destroy the lives of your wife and your two sons.” That was like getting hit upside the head with a baseball bat because it had never occurred to me there was anybody else involved in this. I thought it was all about me, and it was never about me, it was really about them. Those two sentences stuck with me all my life.
What’s that old saying, “No man is an island.” I thought I was, and I wasn’t. That’s what made me realize, and I’ll love this guy for the rest of his life if he’s still alive, and then the rest of my life, for telling me that. It was just probably almost a throwaway line with him, but it made me think and I started thinking, “This can’t go on. It just doesn’t … I’m really missing …” But I didn’t know what to do. So anyway, back in Rochester, I used to have to try cases in surrounding cities. It’ll sound Podunk, but they were major cities in those days. I had to try cases in Syracuse and in Albany, and sometimes in Binghamton, which really was Podunk.
But I had a case that was scheduled in Albany, and it was just before Thanksgiving. It was the night before I was supposed to leave … When you do a trial, you just don’t walk into a courtroom, you prepare, and it’ll take one to two weeks to really get it prepared. You have to interview the witnesses, get all the documents, get the exhibits marked, get all the motions done, and all the rest. It’s very, very intense. Well, this case was in Albany, so I had to go to Albany for about two weeks to get this case ready, and then another week to try the case.
The night before I leave I’m home in bed, and my wife was a nurse and she was working, my ex-wife, she was working. She worked the 3-11 shift. So I would come home and I’d feed the boys, wash them and brush their teeth and all that stuff, put them to bed. Then I’d go to bed and she’d come in around 11:30. She came in and I think she rolled over, she put her arm around me and I rolled away or something like that because I just wasn’t interested in having sex. That’s the way it was. I wasn’t good enough to pretend well.
So after a few minutes she got up and she went downstairs into the living room and I could hear her crying. I remember thinking to myself, “You son of a bitch, how the fuck can you do this?” That’s exactly what I thought. Those are the words that I used. I said, “You cannot do this.” So I got up out of bed, put on my bathrobe, went downstairs, sat down in the living room, she’s in chair here, there’s a round sidetable between us, I’m at a chair here. So we’re sort of side by side, but not physically, side by side. I said to her … I didn’t know how to do this, I hadn’t practiced. I just had to do it, and I had to do it then because I knew I was hurting her. I was killing her. I knew I was doing it. I couldn’t have said that at that time, I couldn’t have put it together for you that way. But in retrospect, that’s exactly what was going on. So I sat down and I said, “Look, the problem is not you. The problem is me. I’m gay.”
There was this kind of silence, and I really don’t remember what she said. But I do remember that she seemed relieved because she thought the problem was I had another women on the side and she either couldn’t or didn’t want to compete with that. But when I was gay, it wasn’t something she could compete with, and it made all the difference in the world. It’s hard to explain. But we talked about it, we discussed it. I don’t remember any of the discussions really, or what we said to one another. But we decided we wanted to stay together. I definitely did. I mean, I really did not want to come out, publicly anyway. And I loved her, and I loved my sons. But I couldn’t go on this way with her, or with them. So it was a baby step, but it was a step.
It wasn’t a baby step to me. In retrospect it was a baby step. But I mean, it was a major step to me at the time. I don’t know where the hell I got the balls to do it. Maybe it was just because I really did love her and I understood what I was doing to her. But in any case, we didn’t tell the boys. It was just between the two of us. I had to go off, maybe it wasn’t the night before I left … It doesn’t matter. But I had to go off to do the trial and I did. I drove off to Albany to try that case. Lost the thing too, which still pisses me off.
It was not a bad case either, but I can see the holes in it now. But we got through the trial, and this was Thanksgiving, Thanksgiving was the following week. My wife and I, ex-wife, had planned she would pick me up in Albany because we always spent Thanksgiving with her family in Plymouth. It was the drive from hell. It was probably about a 12 hour drive. But we did it, we really loved her family and being with them, they were a lot of fun. So we were supposed to meet in Albany in front of the courthouse, I would be standing there waiting and she would come pick me up and we’d drive on to Boston. I remember standing there with my suitcase out in front of the courthouse, in bleak, nasty weather, late November, Albany, it’s fucking cold-
November, fucking freezing cold, cloudy. And I thinking, “Will she come? Will she show up? Or will she just go right past Albany and go on home to Plymouth?” And then she showed up. Boys were in the car, everybody, hello, kissing, hugging, all the rest of that stuff. We drive on, the boys fall asleep. I can’t remember if I said to her or she said to me, but the conversation was basically, I think she said, “I didn’t know if you were going to be there.” And I said to her, “I didn’t know if you’d come.” And we stayed in the marriage, this was, trying to think of the years, late seventies, probably ’78, ’79, ’78, I think. And we stayed married. We didn’t tell anybody about my being gay. And I was transferred voluntarily, transferred from Rochester to Philadelphia. There was a federal law under which the federal government could lend employees to local law enforcement. It included the Justice Department. I don’t know if it was only the Justice Department or every department, but you could loan employees to cities and municipalities and counties to help them do things.
And Pennsylvania had just passed a law allowing for sitting grand juries. Prior to that, they had to be specially called and it was a big thing. In the federal system, there’s grand juries sitting all the time, constantly. Not 24 hours a day, but they’re almost always available. But they didn’t in Pennsylvania. So having grand juries at your beck and call and always in session was a very new thing to them. And they didn’t know how to do it. They also, at the same time, passed an Electronic Surveillance Act. Electronic Surveillance was basically tapping phones and bugging rooms. But it was a very complicated law, it was a very difficult thing to do and do it legally. It could be easily suppressed, it was hard to do correctly. And nobody knew how to do it In Pennsylvania, well, some people did, of course. But what I’m focusing on is the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office, suddenly has the grand juries, but they have no idea how to run them or how to regulate who goes through it and when and how to schedule things.And suddenly they could do electronic surveillance legally, but they had no experience with it. And a friend of mine who had worked with me in the Buffalo Strike Force when we were both in Rochester, but he would drive over from Buffalo and get me oriented for the first year or so that I was there, he had taken a job at the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office. His name was Lloyd George Parry. Very good man, very good prosecutor, fair and totally honest. He’s the guy who tried the cops in the MOVE scandal. You don’t remember MOVE, I’m sure. MOVE was a Black movement in Philadelphia. I don’t remember what it stands for, but it was called MOVE, and they took over a building in Philadelphia, it’s just a tenement that was abandoned. But the cops decided they had to get them out, because they didn’t own it, they didn’t belong there, and it was a white neighborhood, “So why are you here? You’re Black.” And the neighbors didn’t like it. And you get all the standard stories of garbage and sex and loud music and all the horseshit, and it all was horseshit, but it surrounded these poor people.
And the cops decided to get them out. So what they ultimately did is they did a raid on the thing and they burned the entire building down. I think they burned the entire block down doing it, but it was a big scandal because the police had overreacted so badly. And my friend who had been transferred to Philadelphia was in charge of trying the police, which was an impossible task in Philadelphia. It couldn’t be done. Rizzo was the mayor at the time, and he was the former police chief. And there was just no way those guys were going to get convicted. But that’s again, a different story. But he said to the DA, who was Ed Rendell, who later became the governor. He said to Rendell, “I know a guy in Rochester that knows all of his stuff.” And I had done grand juries, I mean I used grand juries to do routine indictments. I used grand juries to do difficult, complicated investigations where the grand jury is investigating.
And I had done, oh Christ, a dozen electronic surveillances, bugging cars and rooms and houses and phones, and none of them were ever suppressed. So I knew how to do that. And the way this worked is the government would continue to pay my salary and the local law enforcement would offer something on top. So I wound up with a 25% raise, it was just too good to pass up. But we were ready to leave Rochester. None of us wanted to. The boys loved Rochester, she loved Rochester, I loved Rochester. Great place to live, really. And I can’t say anything bad about that place at all except for the weather. But we needed a change, not badly, but we needed a change. New friends and stuff like that, I’m not quite sure why. Running away from myself, maybe. But anyway, we did it. I was the driving force, I was the one who did it. I think she would’ve stayed if she could have. But we went down to Philadelphia, we moved there. I was in the DA’s office for a year, I would say, wow, what was my title? Head of the… Christ, I want to say the Intelligence Unit, I think that’s what it was called.
I don’t know what they call it now, they probably don’t even have it anymore. But I had to write the grand jury manual and the manual for how to do electronic surveillance, which I did. And the year was up and I didn’t like being there, and they didn’t like me being there. So we mutually parted ways at the end of the year. And coincidentally, at the end of the year, I got a call from the guy who had been my former boss in the Strike Force in Buffalo, Marty Steinberg. He took over the Buffalo Strike Force, his name was Marty Steinberg, and he’s still here, he’s still practicing law here in Miami. A very, very incredibly good lawyer, one of the best trial lawyers I’ve ever seen, and great investigator. And he ran the Buffalo Strike Force. And technically he was my boss, even though I was in Rochester. And he had taken a job, he left the Strike Force, I don’t remember when, but he had left it, and he had taken the position of chief counsel for the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.
And to put that into context, that committee is the old Senate Un-American Activities Committee. It was Joe McCarthy’s committee. And the officers were still in the same place. I actually had Bobby Kennedy’s desk, because I went to work there ultimately. But Marty was the guy who… No, I’m getting ahead of myself now. George Perry was the guy who got me the job in Philadelphia, and Marty was the guy at the end of the Philadelphia thing, just as it’s winding down, I’m in about my 10th or 11th month of the 12-month commitment. And Marty calls me and says, “Look, I’ve got a position open as assistant counsel, if you are interested, if you want to come down.” And I thought, this is the time, because in terms of living with my wife, the lie was getting unbearable.
I remember going to cocktail parties and having to laugh at queer jokes, and I had to tell queer jokes, because you have to keep your credentials. You have to play the game, and you have to play, it’s not an easy game to play. It is fucking tough, because you have to watch everything you do, how you walk, how you talk, how you react to a joke, how you react to a good-looking woman coming down the street. You can’t go over the top, because if you do, it’s the lady doth protest too much, they begin to suspect, but you can’t under-react, because then they’ll think, “There’s something wrong with him, he didn’t react or he didn’t react like us.” So you have to match yourself to all the nuances of all of the straight guys around you, and it is fucking murder.
And it got me to the point I think, maybe of a nervous breakdown, because I remember thinking, if I go on this way, I am going to be the guy in the headline that says, “Man kills wife, two kids, then self.” I could not live that way and survive, and I probably would’ve taken them with me. I certainly could not have gone on. And so when Marty called and said, “This job is available, it’s in Washington DC,” I jumped at it, because I knew we could not afford to move again. We had just moved from Rochester to Philadelphia and we couldn’t afford to buy a new house in Washington or a home or apartment or anything. So I told her I was getting this job and I’m going down there, I’ll come back on the weekends, but I’m going. And basically, it was we’re separating and she understood that, and I understood that, we both knew it, and we decided we weren’t going to tell anybody.
We would just play the game and say that we were for career purposes, for my career, I was taking this job in Washington, but we couldn’t afford to move, so I would commute. And I did commute. I would go down there Sunday evening, spend the week, and come back either Friday night or Saturday morning on the train between Washington and Philly. It’s only a couple three hours. And it was a reliable way of doing it, and it was a hell of a lot easier than driving. And I couldn’t afford a car anyway, I didn’t have a car. I walked to work when I was in DC. So let me see now. What was the point of all of this?
(01:33:04)
Jeff Guin:
So you’ve been out to your wife for a while now.
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, yeah. And really, I didn’t come out to anybody, but I basically said to her, “I can’t live like this anymore.” And I took Marty’s job. She was pissed, she was really angry. She would’ve stayed married to me for the rest of her life, we’d still be married if she had her choice. And I think her mentality was sort of the American contract, just as I get privileges being a white male, she had automatic white privileges being a white female. And one of those privileges is your father takes care of you for all of your life, then your husband takes care of you for all of your life. And I broke that contract. So she was not happy. But I felt like, I can’t describe it, like the weight of the world was off my shoulders. Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, I’m free at last, that was the feeling. It was a new world and I didn’t have to hide and I could pick friends. I didn’t have to pick suburban couples. I could pick gay guys, straight guys, women, I could have all those friends.
And I was starting fresh. I was starting all over again. It was like I was just starting college. That moment when you suddenly become your own person, only I was doing it 10 fucking years later than everybody else, but I was doing it finally. And it was absolutely glorious, I loved it. I work all week, go out to the bars, go to the gym, date, have a good time. Saturday morning, got on the train, go up to Philadelphia, go to the house, see the kids, do all the laundry, clean the place. She was terrible at laundry and absolutely awful at cleaning. She couldn’t vacuum to save her life, God bless her. She tried, she just wasn’t good at it. She was good in the kitchen, but she hated doing dishes. So I’d come home, I’d do the dishes, I’d do the laundry, I’d have a week’s worth of laundry from the three of them, and so it’d take me all weekend to do the laundry. But it worked for a while.
Jeff Guin:
So the boys have any inkling as of what was going on?
Greg Baldwin:
No, no. I told the boys the standard story, my job is taking me there, “But we’re still married and I’m still your father, blah, blah, blah, blah,” that sort of thing. I think they understood what was going on. They didn’t know the words for it, but I think they knew that we were splitting up, but we did not tell them we were splitting up. We didn’t tell anybody we were splitting it. And that didn’t come until later. But I wanted to tell the boys and after three or four months of being in Washington, I said to her, “I think we should tell the boys.” But she had a pediatrician who’s this old German, a super conservative, probably a former Nazi or something. And he said to her, “Oh, if you tell your boys about him , they would be destroyed. You’ll ruin their lives,” all the death, damnation, Sodom and Gomorrah, sulfur and fire and brimstone, “don’t tell the boys whatever you do.”
So I’m not looking to pick a fight and I’m not going to give her any more trouble than she’s already got from me. She’s now a single woman and suburban American. Do you know what that means? There isn’t a fate worse than death than that. Really, it’s that terrible. I didn’t realize this, I don’t think she did either. But when I left, she became the neighborhood pariah, because she was a single or a lone woman in a neighborhood of men. Now the men already had women, but the women saw her as a predator after their husbands. And so suddenly she was cut off from every friend she had up there. None of them except for one friend, Janice Campolongo, a wonderful person, and one neighbor, Paul and Margarite DeSantis. No one else stuck with her. All the invitations stopped, the shopping trips stopped, the afternoon teas, all that stopped. And she wound up with no friends, which I mean, I was shocked, I just couldn’t believe it, but that’s the downside.
Jeff Guin:
Did she tell you this?
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah. Yeah, she did. And she was really angry with me and she badmouthed me to all of her friends. She made new friends at my kids’ schools.
Jeff Guin:
Did she say why?
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, I think she told them. I’m not sure when she told the neighborhood in Philadelphia or the ex-neighbors in Rochester. They all found out, but I mean, it’d be sort of hard to miss, because eventually I was in the fucking news all the time for a while as a “gay activist” and stuff like that. Well, I’m not sure if she ever told anybody I was gay, I think she did, but all of her friends hated me, because we didn’t have enough money for two households. It was a problem. And she bore the brunt of it. She was the one who was stuck. Now she went through every fucking credit card I ever had and maxed every last one of them out. And finally, the financial got so bad that I said to her… Let me see, no, she hadn’t met Pete yet. So I think I said to her, “We need to get a legal agreement here, we need to legally separate.” And at some point my mother was on me almost daily, “Go back to your wife, go back to your wife, go back to your wife.”
And I hadn’t come out to her or my father or my brother and sisters, but it was constant pressure. And finally, I just had it with my mother and I decided this has just got to stop. So I called Claire, that was my ex-wife’s name. I called her up and I said, maybe I wrote to her, I’m not sure, I think I might’ve written. But basically, the message was that, “This just can’t go on, we’ve got to tell people. And if you don’t tell your family by such and such a time,” and I gave her a month or two, I think, “then I’ll tell them. But one way or the other, this is going to stop and we’re going to tell people the truth about what’s going on. And if you want to tell them that it’s because I’m gay, that’s fine with me. I don’t mind at all. And if I tell them, I will tell them it’s because I’m gay.”
The chips were down at that point. And so she agreed and she told her parents, her father never talked to me again, which really hurt. Her mother has passed away at that point. But anyway, that’s how we sort of cut that Gordian knot, by my demanding that it be cut. But we still didn’t tell the boys. And we didn’t tell the boys, because the doctor was still saying, “Ach du lieber, they’ll all die terrible fates.” So we didn’t tell them, although I wanted to, and they would come down and visit me on weekends, and I introduced him to my gay friends, I introduced him to the guy I was dating. They knew what was going on. Kids are not stupid. We think they are, but they’re not. They understand things. They might not have the words for it, and they might not have the courage to question you about it, but they understand these things.
And I found out later that they did know exactly what was going on. They didn’t know the mechanics of it or the details, they just knew I was with Yates, who’s a guy I was dating there that they knew, they really liked Yates. I think they liked Yates better than me. But Yates was a real character, wonderful guy too. But we didn’t tell them until substantially later. And that gets into my job with the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, because that ultimately was the trigger that fired the shot. What happened in a nutshell is I came out to the senator who was my boss in the Senate Subcommittee. He asked me to leave, because being gay meant I was a security risk. I came down here to Miami as an assistant U.S. attorney, and they did a background check. They discovered I was gay and everybody went fucking nuts in the Justice Department.
And ultimately, them going nuts is what led to me coming out to, I think, to the boys at that time, but my mother and my father, my brother, and my two sisters as well, because the FBI wanted to interview them all, but I’m getting way ahead now. But that was sort of the first step.
Jeff Guin:
We’re going to go into detail about that tomorrow. I think that’s where we’ll start tomorrow. But in terms of the boys, where were they in that? You said they understood already, but did you ever have a formal conversation with them?
Greg Baldwin:
I did in the end, yes, I did. I got permission from her, because finally the German doctor died, she got another pediatrician, she told the pediatrician the whole story, pediatrician says, “You haven’t told the boys yet? What’s wrong with you? What are you thinking? For God’s sake, tell them.” So then she calls me after she says, “They’re coming down this weekend, tell them then.” It was a crazy thing. Anyway, they came down, let me see, I was here in Miami and they came down for a week or something, one of the holidays, and I was with my current husband Jose at that point. We were living together in the Grove, Coconut Grove. And I told my wife, “Yes, I’ll tell them when they come down.” So I sent him off somewhere. He knew I was going to do this, and I sent him off, “Just get out of here so I can do this in case there’s all sorts of fireworks or emotion or something.” I didn’t know what to expect.
So they’re outside playing football, they’re throwing a Nerf ball back and forth in the street, and I call them in, I sit them down. Now, when I had told them that I was leaving to go to Washington, I had told them, “I can’t give you all the reasons now, you’re too young, but when you’re older, I will tell you exactly what’s going on.” And so I called them and I sat them down and I said, “You remember when I left Philadelphia, I told you, I’d explain someday why I was leaving?” And they said, “Yeah.” And I said, “Well, I’ve been given it a lot of thought and I’ve been watching you guys, and I think you’re ready to know.” They go, “Oh yeah, okay, tell us.” And I don’t know what they expected to hear, but I said, “The reason that your mother and weIsplit up is because I’m gay.” And they go, “Oh.” hat was it, “Oh.”
I said, “Well, do you have any questions?” “No.” I said, “Do you know what gay is?” “Yeah.” “What is it?” “Well, it’s when two guys are together. They like each other instead of girls.” I said, “Okay, do you have any other questions?” They said, “Yeah.” I said, “What?” “Can we go out and play football now?” That was it, because they had figured it all out. They had seen me in Washington, they had seen my friends there in Washington, and they put two and two together. I mean, they’re not dumbbells. So it was sort of like a non-event.
Jeff Guin:
Did you have any conversations in subsequent years or as they got older, did they express any sort of distress in that process or have questions for you?
Greg Baldwin:
I think the distress was more centered around the divorce than anything else, the separation and ultimately the divorce. The divorce, I don’t think bothered them, but the separation, my leaving Claire, as with any kid that impacted them, and there was anger there and there was residual anger that we all got over, because we talked about it.
Jeff Guin:
Mama ain’t happy. Nobody’s happy.
Greg Baldwin:
Well, it was really rough for her, because before she met her current husband, she was alone, so a single parent with two boys, trying to get them educated, but having to work full time, and she put herself through graduate school, so she got a Master’s in Nursing. An absolutely awesome person. She wound up basically running the hospital up in Philadelphia that she was working at. It was really rough on her until she finally met, I think she dated a few guys, I don’t really know the details, but she finally met Pete Lindley and Pete, who is to the right of Attila the Hun, and she married, and I always liked Pete, we never talk politics, but I had no expectations of demands of Pete except that she make her happy, and he did make her happy.
And we’ve always gotten along with Pete and the four of us are all good friends and see each other and talk to each other frequently, or holidays and stuff like that. So she got through it, but it was not easy. It was very, very difficult for her from the first original ostracizing by all of her so-called friends to finding a place, she couldn’t afford to keep the house we were in. She finally sold it. She sold it at a profit, but she lied to me about that, and I knew she was lying, but I wasn’t going to say, “I’m entitled to 50%, give me a check right now.” Fuck, I’m the one who caused all the problems, so I wasn’t entitled to split any equity with her, and I didn’t. So she kept all the equity, but then she bought a place or rented, I forget which. But anyway, she kept the money. She got a new place and she was there for quite a while, and she was there, I think when Pete was with her. They were both together then.
Jeff Guin:
Did you know Pete prior to-
Greg Baldwin:
Oh no.
Jeff Guin:
There was no-
Greg Baldwin:
No.
Jeff Guin:
He wasn’t one of the neighbors.
Greg Baldwin:
No, no, no. I don’t know of any connection with neighbors and Pete at the time, it was just somebody she met and they fell in love. He was in the middle of a divorce too, and his was a very bitter, hotly contested divorce on his ex-wife’s side, and so they had to pretend they weren’t living together while they were living together. It was awkward, because if Pete’s ex-wife had found out that he was living with somebody else, she would’ve used it in the divorce, much to his disadvantage. But ultimately, it all worked out. They got married and I got married and the rest is history.
I said, "Stanley, there's no tendencies about it. I'm gay. What's the problem?". He said, "Well, Greg, you need to understand that as a homosexual, you're subject to blackmail." I said, "Well, Stanley, who are they going to tell, you? I mean, I can't be blackmailed over that." He said, "Yes, Greg, but you need to understand that, as a homosexual, you're subject to blackmail." I said, "Stanley, who are they going to tell? Everybody knows. All my friends know. This is no big secret to anybody." He says, "Yes, but Greg, you need to understand that as a homosexual, you're subject to blackmail." And I mean, we're just talking past each other. He couldn't get beyond the blackmail part.
Transcript
(00:00:00)
Jeff Guin:
Tell me about Sam Nunn and your relationship?
Greg Baldwin:
With him. Well, Sam Nunn in 1980 was the Senator from Georgia and the Chairman of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and I start with 1980 because that’s the year that Marty Steinberg, who had been my supervisor in the Buffalo Strike Force when I was in Rochester, and who was already working as the Subcommittee’s Chief Counsel, contacted me while I was working in Philadelphia and told me that there was an open position for assistant counsel and would I be interested. And of course, as I said yesterday, I jumped at the chance and took it. So that’s how I got to know Senator Nunn because I worked directly with him. The Subcommittee staff, the majority side, worked directly with the majority leader, the Chairman of the Subcommittee. So I went down there for the job sometime, I think probably in the spring of 1980, maybe a little bit earlier.
It wasn’t winter time though, so probably spring when I started working with the Subcommittee. But in November, the election, the presidential election occurred, Reagan was elected and the Republicans became the Senate majority. Sam Nunn stayed on the Subcommittee, but he became the Ranking Minority Member, which meant we had to move to smaller offices and stuff like that. All the normal stuff in Washington, the give and take, which wasn’t bad back then, it didn’t really have any serious impact, and they maintained the budget so none of us got laid off. We all just continued to work.
So I worked on a number of, we called them investigations, not investigations in the sense of what I did in the Strike Force, criminal investigations, but investigations of different topics. The one I remember the best is an investigation of the witness protection program run by the U.S. Marshall’s Service under the Justice Department. And so I got to know Senator Nunn fairly well. I mean, we’re not on a first name basis. I of course always called him Senator, but he called me Greg, and we did work together. And he was a really impressive guy. Very, very smart, extremely intelligent. I mean, as a senator, it was a blessing to have him there because he knew what he was doing and he was as honest as the day is long. He was just a really fine man. Still is.
And we started one investigation, I think it would’ve been 1981, into the drain of high technology, which of course in those days was absolutely nothing compared to what we have now, but we called it high technology, and it was draining into the Eastern Bloc, the Soviet Bloc of Eastern Europe. And so we were doing an investigation into that. And of course, the purpose of these investigations generally is to find and identify problems and try and cure them by legislation. This investigation, I was on it as the Assistant Chief Counsel, and I was working with one or two guys on the staff. We hadn’t gone very far with it, we had only just begun. And we found out that, I think it was the CIA, had done an investigation of almost exactly the same thing, maybe a year or two years before.
So we asked if we could have a copy of their report. And of course, the CIA being the CIA was very resistant to it. They worried about sources and things like that. I don’t mean to criticize them. I mean, it was a sensible reaction that they did not want to disclose it. But Nunn, on the other hand, was very influential, especially with the armed services. His primary focus as a Senator was actually not the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on investigations. It was the Armed Services Committee. I think that’s what it was called. And he had been, I think he might’ve been the Ranking Member or the Chairman of that and became Ranking Member, but he was extremely active there. And that was his priority, defense, basically defense issues.
So he had a great deal of influence, and ultimately, I think he persuaded the CIA to release the report, but the CIA would do it only on the condition that the people working and having access to the report had received what was called “Q Clearance.” That’s the way I remember it. I don’t know anything about clearances or the different ranks or levels, but Marty called all of the staff in when he found out from the Senator about this arrangement, he called all of us in and he said, “We’re doing this investigation. We’ve just started it. Greg is working on it.” And he explained the whole thing about the CIA report and the “Q Clearance.”.
He said, the reason I’m calling you together is because a “Q Clearance” is a real investigation. It’s not like the investigation you go through when you become an Assistant U.S Attorney or something where you’ve got an FBI agent who just graduated from Quantico, going around and asking questions that are printed on a page.
He said they rigorously ask questions and take down the answers. He says, “They actually go out and look for things about you to try and find reasons to not give you a Q Clearance.” So he said, “So if any of you have anything in your background or your past, I don’t want to know about it now, but sometime today or tomorrow or over the next week or so, just come in and tell me, and if it’s a problem, we’ll just take you off the list and it won’t be any problem. You won’t get fired or anything like that.” So we broke up the meeting, and that afternoon I went back to him and I said to him, “Marty, I don’t think this has anything to do with security, but I’m gay.” And he says, “Oh, well, okay. I don’t think it does either,”and we talked about it a little bit, not too much.
He wasn’t upset or angry or worried or anything like that. It was like telling him, I got a haircut yesterday. That’s the way he received the information. It was just a matter of fact. So we talked for a while and he asked me, I think it was in this meeting, I think fairly certain it was in this meeting, he asked me, “Should I tell the Senator?” And at the time, coincidentally, Marty had accepted a position with the law firm of Holland & Knight, which had an office in Washington D.C. and he had accepted a partner position in their office in Miami. So he was leaving, and the Senator was conducting a nationwide search for his replacement. I was on the list as was the other Assistant Counsel, Eleanor Hill.
And I’d heard through the grapevine that they couldn’t find anybody through the nationwide search that really had the, I don’t know, the qualifications or whatever they were for the job, and the search had been narrowed down to either me or Eleanor, and I had heard that much. So I said to Marty, “Look, tell me this, Marty, how serious is it that I might become the Chief Counsel? Because that has a big bearing on this.” I said, “If I’m going to wind up being Chief Counsel, then yes, tell the Senator, because the one thing that he does not like is surprises,” especially embarrassing surprises. And he was from Georgia, which was conservative, Democratic, but conservative. And this could come back to embarrass him.
So I told Marty, if I’m actually going to be Chief Counsel, then yes, you have to tell him. And if you don’t, I will. And Marty said, “Well, actually, yeah, you’re probably going to get it. You’re the lead contender for this.” And I said, “Well, in that case, yes, you have to tell him. And again, if you don’t, I will.” Marty said, “No, no, don’t worry. I will tell him.”
With that, we basically ended the meeting, and then I went back to work and I was sort of excited that I might wind up being Chief Counsel, nice promotion. And I really enjoyed working with Nunn because he was just such a pleasant man and such a smart guy. Just amazingly smart. But anyway, a couple of weeks go by, and Marty says to me and Eleanor, “The Senator has narrowed it down to the two of you, and you’re both going to be interviewed by him within the next week or so.”
So the dates, I think, got set for our two interviews, separate, of course, with the Senator. And then mine got canceled and Eleanor’s went ahead, but mine got canceled. And I thought, Uh-oh, there might be more to this than I had thought because it had never occurred to me that there was any problem with my being gay or being out or anything like that. It just never ever occurred to me. It’s hard to believe now, but that’s actually the truth.
So my interview gets canceled, rescheduled, then I think canceled again, then rescheduled. And that last time it actually worked, and I am waiting in the anteroom of the Senator’s office, and Marty is in with him, and all of a sudden the door opens and Eleanor sticks her head in. I was running late, like 15 minutes beyond when I was supposed to be interviewed.
She said, “Greg, I’m sorry, we’re delaying your interview. You’ll start in probably 10 or 15 minutes, but right now we’re going over next year’s agenda for hearings.” And she went back in and joined the meeting. And I thought, okay, that’s that. I am not going to be the Chief Counsel. And then I realized I wasn’t there to find out if I was going to be promoted to Chief Counsel. I was there to find out if I was going to keep my job. So anyway, Marty came into the ante room and said, the Senator will be with us, he needs like five or 10 minutes. He had to make a call. So we’re sitting there and we’re chatting, and I said, “Marty, I’m really not going in for an interview, am I?” He says, yeah, sure you are. And I said, “No, Marty, I think I’m going in to find out if I’m keeping this job, aren’t I?”
He said, “No, no, no. It’s an interview.” Marty was in a tough spot. He knew exactly what was going on, but he had to maintain the Senator’s confidence and confidentiality. So he didn’t say anything, but I knew what I was walking into.
So, the meeting starts about 10 minutes later, Marty’s there, the Senator and me, just the three of us in the Senator’s office. And the Senator says, he starts by saying, “Greg, Marty has told me about your problem.” I can laugh about it now. But in those days, I just wasn’t, I don’t know what the word is, politically aware enough, or something like that, to say to him, “It’s not my problem, Senator. It might be for you, but not for me.” But I’m glad I didn’t do that because it would’ve been a sort of snarky thing to say to him. And he was doing, I think, the right thing by me, although it didn’t seem so at the time. But he said, “Marty has told me about your problem.” And I said, “Well, what is that problem?” He says, “Well, it’s a security problem, Greg.”
He said, “I don’t agree with this, but according to,” I guess the CIA, but according to whoever, “If you are gay, you are a security risk.” And I said, “Well, I would only be a security risk if I were hiding it.” And he said, “Well, no, the CIA says that doesn’t matter.” He said, “I called Bobby Inman.” I remember him using the name Bobby, he was referring to Admiral Inman, who at that time was, I think, the former head of the CIA.
Now, he wasn’t the head at that time, I think, but Nunn called him. He said, “And I didn’t use any names, so don’t worry.” I wasn’t worried. “And I gave him the situation, hypothetically of what if I had a gay person on my staff on one of my committees?” “And Inman told me, he says that that person would be a security risk.” And the Senator said, “But I stressed to him, the person is openly gay. There’s no likelihood or chance of blackmail here.” And according to the Senator, Admiral Inman said, “Well, Senator, look, I tried to change this policy when I was with the CIA, but I just could not do it. I could not get anybody to go along with the change. So, it doesn’t matter whether a person is openly gay or in the closet, they are a security risk per se.”
So, he said, “So, Greg, you’re a security risk, and that’s a problem.” And I said, “Well, we don’t do any high-security stuff on the Subcommittee. The only thing we’re doing is the investigation into the technology drain into the Soviet Block, and I’m not on that.” And he said, “Yes, I understand that, but the problem is this.” He says, “I am on the Armed Services Committee. That is my priority as a senator. And the Armed Services Committee operates on the basis of information. If you have information, you have power and influence. If the information is withheld from you, you have no power and no influence.” And he said, “Since this is a priority to me, it’s very important that I have access, full access to all information. But if anybody finds out, if anybody who’s opposed to me or adversarial to me finds out that I have a security risk on any of my committee staffs, they will use that against me to withhold information, and I cannot have that.”
I don’t remember what I said in response, but I knew basically that it was accurate. It was true. I mean, I know that the lines between senatorial staff, the people who work directly for a senator and the people who work indirectly in a committee and among those committees are very blurred. And so what he was saying made a great deal of sense to me. I understood his position and the risk that he would be taking if I stayed.
But anyway, he said, “Look, I do not want to injure your career.” He said, your work with the Subcommittee has been superb. I think he actually started with that. But he did say my work was “superb.” He didn’t have any problem with it at all. He wanted to keep me, but under the circumstances, he couldn’t. He didn’t want to hurt my career by firing me. And he didn’t want to hurt my career by asking for my resignation, but he said it would be better if I left, which was probably the most decent way he could have possibly handled it. He said at one point that he was not willing to make a national issue of this. And I could understand that too, because it wasn’t his issue. His issue was the armed services and defense and related stuff. And this was almost 10 years before the gays in the military and the don’t ask, don’t tell. So it wasn’t on anybody’s agenda.
So he said, “Better if you leave, I’m sorry to have it happen. Take all the time you need to find a position and a job.” And that was the end of the meeting, which sort of pulverized me because things like that weren’t supposed to happen. I mean, like I mentioned yesterday, white Anglo-Saxon male in late 20th century, these things don’t happen to you if you follow the rules and you play by the rules. And I had followed the rules and played by the rules, I had told the truth, and all of a sudden I sort of lost all protection, I had no job, and the reason was because of who I am. This is why today when people talk about white privilege and white people say, “There’s no such thing. I had to work for a living too,” and all that business, I know there’s white privilege. I know it because they took it away from me. And boy, let me tell you, it hurts and it’s fucking scary to go through life without your white privilege.
Ultimately, I guess it got restored, or maybe I just survived without it, but at the time, I mean, I was just hanging out there. I had absolutely no recourse. What’s that law? The one that protects you from sex discrimination? I can’t think of the name of it now, but it was against the law at that time to discriminate on the basis of sex. But the courts had ruled that sex did not include sexual orientation. So I had no cause of action. And even if I did, it was my understanding at the time, I don’t know if this is correct, that the Congress was exempt from being sued for discrimination, for, I don’t know, I suppose some relatively reasonable reasons, but they managed to, I think, exclude themselves.
So I really had no legal recourse. I could scream and yell, go to the press and complain and criticize him, expose him as a bigot. But I was smart enough to know if you take a shot at the king, it must be a mortal wound because if it isn’t mortal, you are the one who is dead. He isn’t, and he was the king, and I was not going to win, and I knew that. So there was no point in going to the press or anything like that. I wasn’t trying to hide it. I told my friends what had happened, and everybody was very upset over it, but there was nothing to be done. This was just before Christmas, about two weeks before Christmas.
And it’s funny, it was the only time in my life where I ever seriously considered suicide. But only for a few minutes, and I got over that quickly. And Yates, the guy I was seeing, after about two weeks of the oh-poor-me, oh-woe-is-me routine, the nobody likes me, everybody hates me, I’m gonna eat a worm and die routine, and all that self-pity crap, Yates, just gave me a slap upside the head and said, “Get over it for Christ’s sake. Get a grip. So something bad happened to you, that’s tough. Bad things happen,” as he put it, shit happens. And now it’s time to get over it and get your resume together and get out there. So it was actually the good slap that I really, really needed. I needed a good kick to get out of that self-pity rut.
I don’t think I told my ex, she wasn’t my ex at the time, but she was in Philadelphia. I don’t think I told anybody except friends in Washington, maybe two or three people.
Jeff Guin:
So was Yates your first partner?
Greg Baldwin:
He wasn’t really a partner. We were, I don’t know. I suppose if you compare it to straight people, it was like we’re sort of going steady. We weren’t living together, but we would spend the weekends together, stuff like that. And he was my first real relationship after leaving my wife.
Jeff Guin:
And so how was that different for you? You’ve got a crisis situation. I mean, you’ve had crises before that with your wife. Was the dynamic any different or did it, what’s this gay relationship paradigm?
Greg Baldwin:
Well, the crisis with my wife wasn’t ever going to end up with me losing my job. But with the gay thing, the first thing that happened was that I was fired, I was expelled from the club. So, in terms of my career, my making a living, my ability to get my sons an education, the crisis was far more serious and far more difficult. And frankly far more shocking to me.
Jeff Guin:
So it did affect how you were?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh God. Oh yeah. Oh yeah.
Well, I had been living in a brand new world up until then, and I was swimming along with it pretty easily and pretty pleasantly. Yates and I go out together all the time, and go to dinner together or with friends, and stuff like that. So it wasn’t something that we were hiding. But he knew me well enough to know, and Yates was the kind of person who would do this, would intervene when he had to intervene. And he had a very forceful personality, very strong personality. And he used it when he needed to. And he needed to then, and he could see that, because I was wallowing in self-pity and despair instead of moving on with my life. Thank God for Yates.
So like I said, it was like a slap upside the head once again, and I needed it. And it brought me around. It got me over the crisis, if you want to call it that. And I stopped feeling sorry for myself and realized what I had to do was find a goddamn job because I had two kids to support and alimony to pay, not alimony, but separation agreement money.
So I put the resume together and I started sending it out to different firms in Washington. And it was a tough legal market at the time in Washington. I got a couple of interviews, a few nibbles, some of them looked really very promising, but they all fell through. And I couldn’t figure out why.
And somebody told me later, and I don’t know if it was true. But in those days when you did a resume, you would put your references right on the resume and people could call the referral. You’d put the name and the telephone number, or the address or something, so the reader could just see the references and call if he wanted to. And I was told that people would call Sam Nunn for a reference and that he wouldn’t take the call. And in Washington that’s actually worse than giving you a bad reference. It means there’s a problem here and the Senator doesn’t want to talk about it, so you’re not going to get an answer, and this guy you’re calling about might be problems down the line for you. Again, I don’t know if any of that’s true, but I could not get past the final interview stage and get a job offer.
And then I think it might’ve been Marty who suggested that I contact Stanley Marcus. Stanley Marcus had been the chief of the Strike Force in Detroit. And the strike forces were, in a sense, at least it was in those days, I don’t know about now, but in those days it was like an old boys’ club. It was the original network. And everybody, if you said to somebody on a Strike Force that, “I was on this Strike Force,” that made all the difference. It opened all sorts of doors, and opened connections, and things like that.
So Marty said “Greg, Stanley Marcus” (and I had actually talked with a couple of times when I was working in the Strike Force in Rochester, so I had spoken to him in the past, and I think he might’ve known of me) Marty says, “Why don’t you give Stanley Marcus a call? He’s now the US Attorney in Miami. And they’re being absolutely overrun with drug cases and money laundering cases. And they’re just desperate for seasoned, experienced prosecutors,” meaning anybody who could try a case, they wanted because they were so overwhelmed with the number of cases they had. So I submitted my resume, I don’t know if I called or sent it or what, but I got in touch with Stanley. Stanley was very interested because I think Marty had also mentioned me to Stanley in advance. And I had tried a couple of really high profile cases and had won them, so I had the credentials for being a good trial lawyer, a good prosecutor in court. And so Stanley was extremely interested and I got an interview, came down for an interview. We talked, I got the job offer, I accepted, came back, packed up and moved to Miami. This all took about six to eight months, from the meeting with Nunn to the job with Stanley. I think I might’ve got the offer in the mid-summer of 1982. I had the gay issue problem in ’81 just before Christmas. That would make it ’82 that I would’ve left and come down here, but I’m not sure of the month, but it was the summer. But Nunn was as good as his word, he told me I could take all the time I needed to find a new position, and he let me.
(00:24:04)
Jeff Guin:
So what were those six months like for you in purgatory?
Greg Baldwin:
I was still working with the Subcommittee. I knew the Senator was anxious for me to go, but he had said, “You can take as much time as you want,” and I was taking advantage of that. He put very little pressure on me.
The staff was more reactive than anybody else. Marty was sorry to see this happen, but he was leaving. Actually, he left in January 1982 for his new position with Holland & Knight in Miami. His going away party was the day that the Air Florida plane crashed on the 14th Street Bridge in DC. And there was also an accident on the metro in DC, so that’s when that was, January 1982.
But I took about six to eight months, I think, to get the job in Miami, and a month to make the arrangements and move and all the rest of that business. So I started in Miami in August 1982. And I just loved Miami, I really did. And I went right to work. And I started the same day another guy from another Strike force, I think it was the Hartford Strike Force in Connecticut, Dick Gregory, he and I booth started on the same day. Dick was hired as the head of the Narcotics Unit and I was hired to be in the Narcotics Unit. So the two of us met on the same day and started the job on the same day, and we both hit it off. He was a really great guy, outstanding lawyer too, and good legal judgment. But the very best legal judgment I ever saw of anybody was Stanley Marcus, but that’s another story.
Jeff Guin:
Did Yates leave with you?
Greg Baldwin:
No, no. Yates was a teacher and had a very well established life. He lived in Northern Virginia, I think it was Arlington. And he had his own home. He rented the upstairs and lived in the downstairs. He taught, and he was an incredibly popular teacher. Every time we went to a shopping mall, for example, if we were walking around, some kid would invariably come up to him and say, “Oh, Mr. Miller, Mr. Miller, oh hi, how are you?”. I mean, he was unbelievably popular as a teacher. The kids just adored him. And it was with good reason. He was a really strong personality and an almost charismatic, terrific guy.
But he had his life there and he wasn’t going to change his entire life to go down to Miami. He had no interest in living in Miami. He was born in, I think North Carolina, right on the border of Virginia, North Carolina. And he had no interest in going to Florida. And it was probably time for a break for the two of us anyway. I don’t think the relationship would’ve lasted, maybe as friends, but not as lovers or anything like that. There was no likelihood of that in the long run, I think.
But what he did do is he helped me pack. And we rented, I think, a U-Haul truck or van and loaded my few sticks of furniture into it and all my clothes. And the two of us drove down to Miami together and he helped set me up and all the rest of that, and stayed a couple of days and then went back home.
So I got settled in and started to work. Everything was fine. I was working on a couple of cases and happy to be prosecuting again. We had this big attack on the legality of the wiretap statute, which had been passed in 19… I think I want to say ’68. But the 11th circuit had just been created, and the 11th circuit had never ruled on the constitutionality of electronic surveillance.
And so I wound up, I wasn’t the lead on the case, the lead prosecutor, Neil Karadbil was the lead, but he gave to me the assignment to respond to and argue the defense motion, to dismiss the case or suppress the wiretaps that we had in this narcotics case, and ultimately we were successful. And we won in the district court and won in the 11th circuit, which was pretty much a foregone conclusion. Every other circuit had found the wiretap statute was constitutional, but it was a fight, and it was a close fight too, because the district court really made it clear that it would suppress the wiretap if there was anything wrong with it in violation of the statute, it would be suppressed. So we had to fight hard on it.
So I’m working on all that good stuff. And I think we have the hearing, a couple of months go by. I’m on technically on probation as an AUSA at this time, you’re usually on probation, I think like 90 days. And that allows the government, the Justice Department to do a background check on you. And they use FBI agents to do that. And like I mentioned before, the FBI agents are basically the newbies. They don’t take a seasoned agent and waste his time doing a background check. They’ll use the young kids. It’s a routine job. They’re given a list of questions to ask. I think they’re standard for just about everybody, and they go out and they ask the questions.
It’s a non-event 99 times out of a hundred, probably 999 times out of a thousand. It’s just a routine, almost meaningless operation. Except in my case. Once again, the fickle finger of fate points at me. Everything was fine apparently until I get a call one day to come down to Stanley’s office, Stanley Marcus, the US Attorney. And I go in. Stanley is sitting there with his executive assistant, I don’t recall his name, nice guy, very pleasant, very sharp. But they’re sitting there and I come in and have a seat at the table. And Stanley says, after a little bit of chit chat, he says, “Greg, there’s a bit of a problem with your security clearance.” I said, “Well, what’s the problem, Stanley?” The antenna starts going up, but I just did not expect this. And I should have, but I didn’t.
He says, and he was embarrassed to death. And in those days even saying the word homosexual was a difficult thing to do. Talking about it was difficult, especially for straight people. It was very difficult to do. He said… And it was like this. He was sort of mumbling through his fist. It was so awkward for him. And he said, “Greg, there’s some indications that you might, um, have some, um, homosexual tendencies.” And it’s at that point I realized what I was supposed to do. This probably would’ve cleared up everything. If I turned to Stanley and looked him in the eye and said, “Stanley, who’s the son of a bitch who’s calling me a faggot? Anybody calls me queer I’m going to knock his block off. Fuck them.” I’m supposed to do all the heterosexual rage. But I didn’t, because I’m just not going to live that way anymore. The decision had been made, the dye had been cast, the dice had been rolled, whatever the phrase is, lacta alea est or something like that. God, I’m still a Jesuit product.
But anyway, I said, “Stanley, there’s no tendencies about it. I’m gay. What’s the problem?”. He said, “Well, Greg, you need to understand that as a homosexual, you’re subject to blackmail.” I said, “Well, Stanley, who are they going to tell, you? I mean, I can’t be blackmailed over that.” He said, “Yes, Greg, but you need to understand that, as a homosexual, you’re subject to blackmail.” I said, “Stanley, who are they going to tell? Everybody knows. All my friends know. This is no big secret to anybody.” He says, “Yes, but Greg, you need to understand that as a homosexual, you’re subject to blackmail.” And I mean, we’re just talking past each other. He couldn’t get beyond the blackmail part.
And then he asked me if I didn’t think it was something I should have disclosed. And now this is where my legal training comes in, because I knew if I had agreed that my being gay was something I should have disclosed, then I would have been fired not for being a security risk, I’d be fired for non-disclosure of a material fact, which is a whole different thing. So there was no way in the world I was going to say that it should have been disclosed. It was not asked on the application. There was no question, “Are you gay or do you have homosexual tendencies?” or any of that business. There was nothing that said, “Have you ever had a security issue or a security clearance problem?” no questions like that. And frankly, I did not believe it had anything to do with my being a prosecutor. And to be honest, to this day, I don’t think it has anything to do with it.
But the Justice Department thought it did. And they were worried that now they have a security risk, somebody who failed a security test, and they can’t get even a low grade security clearance, because being gay, you’re automatically a risk to the nation. I’ve always been proud of that. I mean, a threat to the republic, it’s really sort of cool. I mean, I wasn’t, God knows, but what the hell? Yeah, I’m the threat to the republic, the stability of the nation, the safety of the country. It’s cool. It gives you a sense of power.
Anyway, I did not treat it glibly at all. That would not have gone over well, but I would not admit that it was something I ought to have disclosed. I just kept saying, “It’s got nothing to do with whether I can prosecute. You know that. I was gay when I did all the cases in Rochester, and I won all those cases. Being gay had nothing to do with any of it.”
And we went back and forth on this, and finally I said, “Look, we’re just not getting anywhere. And frankly, I’m starting to get a little angry at this. And I know enough being a courtroom lawyer, that when you get angry, you just shut your mouth.” I said, “So I don’t think there’s anything more I really want to say about this because we’re getting nowhere.” And he said, “Well, it’s up to the Justice Department and they’re going to decide whether or not you’re going to get the clearance. And there it is.”
And a day or two later he told me, “We are going to have to make some changes here. You’re going to have to be transferred from the Narcotics Section. I’m going to transfer you to the Civil Division, and there’s a case there that I want you to handle, and we’ll make all those arrangements.” So the next day I cleared up my desk in the Narcotics Section and I was taken down to the Civil Division, introduced to the guy who ran it. That was Leon Kelner in those days. Leon ultimately became the US Attorney after Stanley was selected as a judge, a federal judge.
Jeff Guin:
What’s the last name again?
Greg Baldwin:
Kelner. K-E-L-N-E-R. I think it was one L.
So Leon, I was introduced to Leon. Stanley wasn’t there, just Leon. And I don’t recall who else was there, but I met him. And after I was introduced, he said to me, “I’ve got a case that I want you to get on right away. It’s going to be going to trial in, I think four to six weeks. And it’s a very important case. It’s a forfeiture case, a civil forfeiture case. Don’t lose it”
Well, I didn’t say anything, but I didn’t even know there was such a thing as forfeiture. I didn’t know you could seize people’s money. It was just not something that we did in the criminal area in the Justice Department. I mean, now it’s very, very common, but there was no criminal forfeiture statute at the time, only civil forfeiture. And I had never had a drug case, whether it was drugs, or money, where there was anything to forfeit. So I didn’t even know that there was a law about this. And now I’m supposed to try the case in four to six weeks, and not lose it.
And he introduces me to Joe Florio. And Joe was the guy who had that case. He was the one who had developed it, had filed the complaint, had done all the discovery, and now that he’s on the eve of trial, all of a sudden this punk from nowhere comes in who hasn’t even worked in the office for a month, and he’s taking over this case. And this was in fact a big case. And they stressed this too, it was a very big case because it was a forfeiture for a total of, I think it was $8 million, 8.3, $8.5 million. And it was the result of the seizure of a bank account at Capital Bank that had about maybe four and a half million in it, and the seizure of about 4 million in cash from the money launderer’s office. It was all in bulk paper boxes, and duffel bags, and stuff like that. It was the way they did it in those days.
But it was, the message was basically, “I’m giving you this case. This is the biggest forfeiture case in history.” I believe it was. Of course, it’s minuscule now compared to what the government does in forfeiture, but it was very big then. And there was a unique wrinkle to it. And that was that, in the past, in all drug money forfeiture cases, the drugs and the money were always together, like in the trunk of a car. So it was almost impossible for anybody to say it was anything but the proceeds of narcotics transactions, which is what triggered a civil forfeiture under the Forfeiture Act. There’s other triggers, of course, but this is the one that we concentrated on.
But in this case, the connection between the cash and the drugs was entirely circumstantial. There were no drugs anywhere. It was just people who were obviously money laundering for drug dealers based upon the way they were acting. And we found a car that the money launderers were using, and the narcotics dogs reacted to it, which meant that there had been narcotics in the car, and the car had money in it because they were surveilled taking the money out and delivering it to the chief smurf who then took it to Capital Bank. But the point is, it was a circumstantial case, and that had never been done before.
And the last words, Leon’s last words, were basically, “This is a very big case, don’t lose it.” And I realized, oh shit, I don’t even know what a forfeiture is, and this is the way they’re going to resolve the security problem. If they can’t do it by disclosure and they don’t want to tackle the security problem, this is how I go out. If I don’t win this case it’s, “You blew it, Greg. You fucked this up. You’re fired.” I don’t know if that’s what their plan was or if it was even conscious in their minds, but that’s the way I was looking at this thing.
In the meantime, I’m meeting Joe Florio, who owns the case. And you do own a case. If you’re a prosecutor and you’re working a case, it’s your case, nobody else’s. And there’s nobody else who’s going to come in and tell you how to do it except the boss. And of course, the boss came in to Joe Florio and said, “You’re not going to try the case. We got another guy. Greg Baldwin is coming in basically to take your place.” Joe’s sitting there thinking, “Who the fuck is this guy?”. And I’m sitting there thinking, “How the fuck do I learn forfeiture law?”. And then I realized that Joe was very cold to me about this. He was not warm, he was not friendly. And reasonably so because I was taking his case. So after Leon left, I go to my office, Joe goes to his office. I thought, “This is not going to work.” I left my office, walked into Joe’s, shut the door, sat down in front of him and I said, “Joe, the reason why they’re giving me this case is because I’m a security risk.” He goes, “What?” I said, “I’m a security risk because I’m gay.” He says, “What do you mean? That doesn’t make sense?” I said, “I know it doesn’t, but that’s the rule. They found out in the background check that I am gay, and so I’m not getting the security clearance, I’m a security risk. That’s why I was transferred from Narcotics to Civil. That’s why they’re giving me this case. I’m transferred because I’m a security risk.”
Even though the security requirements for civil division and criminal division were exactly the same. So transferring me really made no sense. It had no bearing on the security issue, but it made them feel better. I guess it made them feel safer because I think they actually did believe that I was subject to blackmail. I don’t know. But anyway.
(00:48:04)
Jeff Guin:
Did this elicit sympathy from Joe?
Greg Baldwin:
It elicited understanding from him, so definitely, yes. Joe realized then that he was not actually being replaced. It was no reflection on him. It was his case that was being used to basically test me. And we sort of bonded on this whole thing. When he realized I wasn’t there to take his glory and I really didn’t even want to be there, we were able to become friends and colleagues.
And he realized I knew how to try a case, but I didn’t know forfeiture law; and he didn’t know how to try a case, but he knew forfeiture law; so the two of us together could do it, but only if we worked together. And he was a big enough man and a smart enough man to understand that. It wasn’t a matter of glory or fame or anything like that. I wasn’t trying to take his glory. He wasn’t trying to take mine. And we just worked together. We got along very, very well and became very good friends, and we worked this case together and I drove him crazy. He had a witness list, I think that had like 50 people on it. And if you’ve ever done a trial, you know no judge in the western world wants to have a trial with 50 witnesses if it can possibly be avoided.
And so every day I’d come in and, as I slowly learned the case, I’d take a few people off the list. The more I learned the case, the more I was able to say, “Well, this guy, we don’t need this guy because we got this guy,” that kind of thing. You select witnesses. And Joe was just really upset because he thought I was gutting the case, but what I was doing was streamlining it, and we got it down to about five witnesses, maybe six at the most, which is a lot anyway.
And we tried the case. We tried the case in front of a visiting judge. In those days, the Southern District of Florida was so overwhelmed with narcotics trials that they were borrowing judges from other districts to come in and try cases. And they were borrowing prosecutors from other districts to come in and try cases. The prosecutors would come down and stay for six months on a per diem basis and try whatever cases they were given and then go home.
We called them Bucket Brigaders, and Judge Beer was from Louisiana, the Eastern District. I think he was New Orleans. Judge Beer was a Bucket Brigader judge, and this was a bench trial, that is, no jury. Now I think you’re entitled to a jury trial, but in those days you were not. There was no jury because it was under the admiralty laws. This is all jargon that you don’t need and it’s really meaningless. But we tried the case and it took about two weeks to try. We started on a Monday, went through the week, had the weekend off, then we went through, I think, to the following Thursday or Friday.
When you’re trying a case there isn’t a minute of time off. Even on the weekend you’re preparing for the next trial day, you’re still prepping witnesses, filing motions, responding, researching, checking all the evidence, making sure that your evidence is admissible and why it’s admissible. There’s just no stop to it. It’s a twenty-four-hour-a-day operation while you’re in trial.
So on the weekend, I’m working all day. On Saturday, I’m working all day. On Sunday I’m working all day, and I come home Sunday night. Then, out of the clear blue, I get a call from Marty Steinberg. Now, I haven’t seen Marty since he left Washington as the Subcommittee Chief Counsel. It’s probably been a year, year and a half. And we exchanged pleasantries. I don’t know how he got my number, but he did. And he asked me, he said, “Greg, are you trying a case in front of a judge from Louisiana?” And I said, “Yeah, as matter of fact, I am. Yeah, it’s a forfeiture case, Judge Beer.”
And he says, “Well, the reason I ask is because I was at a cocktail party this afternoon and I was talking with a visiting judge, Judge Beer from Louisiana, and we were talking about AUSAs and prosecutors and trials and stuff like that. He happened to mention that at the moment, he was trying a case, a forfeiture case, and the AUSA in front of him prosecuting the case was one of the best he’d ever seen.” He said, “I just wanted to let you know that.” And that was really high praise. But I was not so much flattered as I was pleased, because this was a major advantage. And I said to Marty, “Marty, would you do me a real big favor?” He said, “Yeah, sure.” I don’t think Marty knew about my security problem, unless Stanley had told him, he just knew I was trying this case.
So I said to Marty, “Would you do me a favor, really big favor, and call Stanley and tell him what the judge said?” And Marty said, “Well, sure, yeah, I’d be happy to, of course.” And he actually did, and he actually got a hold of Stanley. So there was a whole chain of “ifs” here. If I had missed that call, if Marty had not gone to the cocktail party, if he didn’t talk to Beer, if he didn’t call me, if I had still been in the office and missed the call, if he didn’t call Stanley, if Stanley didn’t take the call, none of what did happen would have happened.
Jeff Guin:
I’m good. So is the judge Peter Beers?
Greg Baldwin:
No, it was Judge Peter Beer, Eastern District of Louisiana.
Jeff Guin:
It’s singular.
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah. Well, you could actually look up the case. It was United States versus 4 million and United States versus 3 million. There were two defendants because there were two separate seizures. And in a forfeiture case, the money is the defendant. It’s not a person. So it’s United States versus the property located at or the amount of money in this bank account and stuff like that. But you can get his opinion because it was a published opinion.
Yeah, that’s him. That’s him.
Jeff Guin:
Well, everybody you’re telling me about has a Wikipedia page.
Greg Baldwin:
Well, everybody has.
Jeff Guin:
We have to create yours now.
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, right. I’m not getting on social media, thank you. Anyway, so with all of these chains of just absolute pure luck, what happened is Stanley got the word that the judge thought… Excuse me. Pardon me. No, I think I’m good. Stanley got the word that I was pretty good, but Stanley was no fool. And Stanley wasn’t going to take anybody’s word for it except people he knew. So he sent people over that he trusted, senior people in the US Attorney’s office to go over and watch me try the case. And of course, it’s open to the public and I’m trying the case, but I’m not paying attention to the audience. The audience is irrelevant to me. There’s no jury. I’m paying attention to the judge, the opposing counsel, and the witness.
And so I didn’t even know anybody was watching this thing. But as it turns out, he sent I think two, maybe three people over to watch, and they all came back and said, “Jesus, yeah, this guy’s good. He knows what he’s doing. They’re not exaggerating Stanley, this guy is a prosecutor. He knows how to try a case.”
Anyway, the case ends, we’re waiting for the judge’s verdict. I’m sitting in my office. Stanley comes in and he says, “Greg, I heard the case is over. I heard it was well-tried. That’s great. I want to congratulate you. And I want to tell you that I just spoke with the Attorney General and I told the Attorney General that I want this matter resolved. I want it resolved immediately, and I want it resolved in your favor. I want the security clearance issued. I told the Attorney General, that’s exactly what I want, and I will not take anything less.” So, great. Wow.
I don’t know where I found out about him having people watching me at the trial, maybe he told me. But anyway, I was thrilled and happy. And finally, this is going to be over. A few days or week goes by, I get a call from the Justice Department from some guy, I don’t know who, and he said they want me in Washington, they want to interview me with regard to the security clearance. I thought, “Okay, Justice Department wants me there. If I don’t go, I’m not going to get the clearance. I know that. So obviously I’m going to go.” So I fly up to Washington. Sort of funny, I forgot before the interview, I forgot to bring a tie. And in those days, everybody wore suits and ties. You wore suit to work all day. And I forgot to bring a tie. So I had to rush to some store to find a tie just before the interview.
The interview begins, I think at 10 o’clock. So 9 o’clock, I’m running around looking for a tie, and then I go over to the Justice Department and they send me to the sixth floor. The sixth floor was serious business. It was formerly where the FBI was headquartered, but they had moved into their new building across the street, the J. Edgar Hoover building. And the sixth floor was then used for ultra-secure things, security problems and issues, cases involving top secret documents, stuff like that. How to handle it, what to do. So I go to the sixth floor, and I know this is serious business. I knew that anyway, but I didn’t know it was sixth floor business. Report to the receptionist at the elevator.
She makes a couple of calls. We had a couple of guys come out and I’m escorted into a room maybe two or three times the size of this. It was a safe. Have you seen old movies where the bank safe door is open and it’s angled and it’s about this thick and it’s all solid metal? That was the door to this room, and it had a big circular thing on it to turn the locks. It was like walking into a bank vault. And this was the super-secure room. There was no bugging. They were sure there was no bugging. It was a clean room, all the rest of that. And I walk in, there’s this big, long table and there’s three people there, two guys and a stenographer and a stenographic machine. I thought, “Stenographer, machine? What the hell is going on? It’s an interview.” And I thought, “Well, nothing you can do about it.”
So I walked over, we introduced all around. Then they asked the stenographer to put me under oath. So I raised my right hand and swore to tell the truth, and then they read me my rights. It was the first and only time anybody has ever read me my rights. I was used to doing it to other people, not having it done to me. So anyway, they read me my rights and then they say, “Would you like to have a lawyer?”
And this is when I got a little pissed and I said, “Look guys, you told me this was an interview. You didn’t tell me there was going to be a stenographer. You didn’t tell me that I was going to be under oath. You didn’t tell me I was going to be questioned. All right, this was supposed to be an interview. Now we’re already started. I have no way of finding a lawyer. I don’t live here anymore. I don’t know any lawyers to call. And even if I did, I couldn’t afford one. So let’s just get this thing over with. Go ahead and do it. If you want me to waive my right to a lawyer, I will. Under the circumstances I have to.”
So they started asking questions. And one of the first questions, I don’t remember the precise order, but name, address, you identify yourself and all that. Then they said, “Are you a homosexual?” I said, “Yes.” They said, “Well, define homosexual.” And with that I realized what they’re doing is, they’re making a record so that if they decide not to give me the security clearance, they have my admission that I’m gay and therefore a security risk. So they’re making their record for the Justice Department. That’s their job. I can’t criticize them for that. That’s what they’re supposed to be doing. So I define what homosexual is. Don’t ask me how I defined it, I don’t remember. But then they asked me, I think it was the next question, but it was within the first five or six questions.
They said, “Please tell us everyone you have ever had a sexual relationship with, and where, and when.” And I said, “What?” And the guy repeats it, but when he repeated it, I realized he was reading it, which makes a big difference. If he was just working off of scribbled notes and stuff like that, that’s one thing. But in those days, when you typed out the questions, it really meant this is not your case. The only reason he was there is because somebody the day before or that morning had handed him the list of questions and said, “Ask this guy these questions in that room.” So they had no interest in this. They had no stake in it. This was not an investigation they had conducted where they had to prove anything or shore up their side. They were almost neutral as prosecutors. So I said to them, “Do you keep a catalog of your sex life?”
And he turns bright red and said, “Well, no.” I said, “Well, what makes you think I keep one of mine? I couldn’t possibly tell you everybody I have ever had sex with and where and when.” I said, “And besides, that’s totally irrelevant. You don’t want to know that. What you really want to know is, when did I realize I was gay?” or something like that. And he goes, “Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, that’s good.” So I answered that question and he asked me another question and I said, “Look, that’s not really what you want to know.” By the second time I realized I was running the interview. I don’t mean to put these guys down. They were professionals and they were good men and they knew what they were doing, but they were in a very embarrassing and difficult situation talking about a subject that they really didn’t want to talk about.
So when I said, “That’s not what you want to know, what you really want to know is this,” and then I’d ask myself the question that I wanted to answer, it was a relief for them. And they managed to get through all of their questions and all of my questions. And I don’t know, this took maybe an hour and a half, two hours. I don’t really recall. It was a while, but at the end of it, the stenographer leaves and I’m there waiting to be excused basically. And the two of them are over in the corner talking. And one guy comes over to me and he says, “Look”, he says, “You’re a prosecutor. We’re prosecutors. We look at cases exactly the same way, the three of us, which is, can we win this in court or not?”
He says, “X, I don’t remember his name, and I are in agreement that we can’t win this against you, and so we’re going to recommend that you be given the security clearance.” Well, that was great. I mean, I almost didn’t need a plane to fly back to Miami. I was so happy and pleased that this is at long last, now actually over. And so I go back to Miami and I go back to work and work on whatever cases I was doing before this. I was still in the civil division. I still didn’t have a security clearance. But now I’m looking forward to the day when I get it. But instead, I get another call, and I don’t know if it was one of the guys who had interviewed me, I just don’t remember. But the message was basically, the FBI really doesn’t believe that you’re out.
And I said, “You mean to tell me the FBI thinks people lie about this? They lie about being gay? I mean not denying it, they lie when they say they are gay. Are you serious?” And he goes, “Well, the FBI just wants to establish that you’re actually openly gay.” I said, “Okay, what do they want? How do I prove this?” And it turns out they wanted to interview my parents, my brother, my two sisters, my ex-wife. Fortunately they left off my two sons who were really too young to be interviewed. They didn’t know at that point anyway. But they wanted five friends in Miami, and five friends in Washington, all to be interviewed by the FBI over whether they knew I was gay. Well, in those days, being gay wasn’t easy, but if you were a straight person, and you knew somebody was gay, and that person was a friend, that marked you as gay or probably. It was guilt by association.
If you were friends with a gay person, you must be gay. That was the way the thought pattern went. And so asking five friends to admit to the FBI of all things that they knew I was gay was really, it was taking their careers in their hands. And the people I knew in Washington were all Congressional staffers or like Yates a teacher, or doctors. And all of them would immediately lose their jobs for being gay, if they were identified as being gay. So when I asked them, “Will you be interviewed by the FBI and admit you know I’m gay,” it was asking a big, big ask because they knew that they were risking their own careers doing this. But they actually did it, all five of them. And I managed to find five people down here, too, even though I was new to Miami, I did have friends and social acquaintances that I had met in the months that I had been here who knew I was gay.
None of my colleagues, because I wasn’t out to any colleagues in the office except for Joe and the senior management. Maybe Joe was one of the names I gave them. But I did find five friends down here, and they all actually did get interviewed. And they did interview my sisters, my parents, my ex-wife, my wife, we were still married at the time, but legally separated. And they conducted all of these interviews.
And the poor guy who interviewed my mother, he almost didn’t get out of there alive. You have to ask silly questions like, “Do you think your son is a loyal American?” And, “Do you think your son would fight for his country if called on?” Well, you asked my mother that, “Do you think your son would fight for his country?” and my mother jumps up and almost comes across the coffee table at this poor bastard, says, “My son has fought in Vietnam and he was wounded in Vietnam. How can you ask such a question?” He said, “Ma’am, it’s okay. It’s okay. These are mandatory questions I have to ask him. And your answer I understand is yes, he would definitely fight for his country.” “Yes.” Then he has, “Do you think he’s a loyal American?” And she jumps up and screams, I got this all from my father later on. She jumps up and screams, “My son was an Eagle Scout. What are you talking about?” And again, the poor guy must’ve been scared to death. But anyway, they did all of these interviews and I ultimately got the security clearance. And I found out years later in 19, about ’92 or ’93 when Clinton was elected as President, Sam Nunn was being considered for the appointment as Secretary of Defense. But the gay community hated Sam Nunn because he had a reputation of having fired at least two people for being gay.
I was one of them, but I did not announce this to the world. It was known because think a few years before the Washington Blade got the story. Let me start with that. It’ll be easier. I’m working down here. I’m just doing my thing as an Assistant US Attorney, and I get a call one day probably at home from a guy, a reporter for the Washington Blade, which was the gay newspaper in Washington. He said, “Look, Greg, just listen for a minute.” He said, “I know all about Sam Nunn. I know you were fired by Sam Nunn. I’ve got this all confirmed. I’ve got the sources confirmed.”
“I am going to run the story about what happened to you, but I want to give you the opportunity to tell it in your own words. And you don’t have to obviously, but if you don’t, I’m going to go with the information I’ve got. So if you want the accurate information from your point of view to be in this article, then let me interview you. Otherwise, I’m just going to print what I’ve got.” And I thought, well, if he’s going to print it anyway, it may as well be accurate. And it wasn’t as if I had anything at stake. I mean, I wasn’t going to be fired for being interviewed by the Blade.
I wasn’t getting in any trouble or anything by admitting that I’d left the job in Washington. I always put it as I’d been fired. In effect, I was, but technically I was not. So it’s sort of a gray area, but everybody who heard the story said you were fired. So anyway, I told him the whole story. I gave him the whole explanation, my meeting with Nunn, the reason for it and stuff like that. He said, “How do you feel about Sam Nunn?” And I said, “I feel very good about Sam Nunn. I really admire him.” He says, “What? Why?”
Because he had interviewed, there was one other guy who’s on the senator’s actual staff who had been fired for being gay. I don’t know if it was security reasons or what, but that was his story. This was mine. From what I understood, the other guy really had it in for Nunn. He really hated Nunn and disliked him and resented that he was fired. He loved the job. But I wouldn’t condemn Nunn. And he said, “Why?” And I said, “Because Sam Nunn saved me in a sense. Sam Nunn had the decency to tell me why I was being asked to leave.”
I told him that any other senator up there would’ve sent some fall guy to come down and mumble something about budget cuts, blah, blah, blah, we got to let you go. You got two months or something like that. Sam Nunn actually had the grace and strength of character to say to me, the reason I’m asking you to leave is because you’re gay and it’s a security risk. And if he had not done that, I would’ve wondered for the rest of my life, was it me? Was it something I did? Was it being gay? What happened? Why did I get let go? Why was it me and not Eleanor? Or why wasn’t it me and Eleanor?”
But he saved me all of that by telling me the truth. And to tell you the truth, of the 100 senators up there, probably 99 of them wouldn’t have had the balls to do what he did. That’s why I’m not angry with him, and that’s why I admire and I respect him to this day. And they put that in. That went over like a cement coconut with the gay community because I was supposed to be mad and resentful and angry and filled with desire for revenge, but I was not, and I am not. I still think very highly of Sam Nunn. He’s done a lot of great work.
But so the story was out anyway and a reporter calls and says the gay community is adamantly opposed to Nunn becoming the Secretary of Defense because he’s a homophobe is the way they were putting it. He was anti-gay. And this reporter from the LA Times tracked me down, I think, through the Washington Blade story and called me and asked me about this whole thing and about Nunn and what do you think about him being Secretary of Defense and stuff like that. So I told him the whole story because I had already told the Blade.
I mean, all he had to do was go to the Washington Blade and get a copy of the article and he had my interview. So there was absolutely no reason to hold back, and I didn’t want people thinking that I hated Sam Nunn anyway. So I told him the whole story, same as I did with the Washington Blade, and he appreciated it. And thank you. It was very helpful to my story. He said, “You got the clearance?” And I said, “Oh yeah, I got the clearance.” He said, “Do you know who gave you the clearance?” And I said, “No, I don’t.” I had no clue who gave me the clearance.
And he said, I think this is the way the conversation went. He said, “You got your clearance through Rudy Giuliani. Rudy Giuliani is the guy who decided yes, you would get a security clearance being openly gay.” And Rudy was not, of course, as well known then as he later became after 9/11 and the Trump Administration. But he was known to me as a DOJ employee and he was a prominent person in the Department. I don’t know if he was number two in the Justice Department at the time, but he was the one who had been delegated by the Attorney General to make the decision on this, and he did.
And the guy says to me, “Did you know that you were the first openly gay Assistant US Attorney in history?” I said, “No.” I said, “How do you know that?” He said, “Well, I’ve got the memo.” I asked him, “How did you get that?” And he said, “Well, I did a FOIA request on you.” FOIA, F-O-I-A, Freedom of Information Act. “I did a FOIA request on you and I got the memo that they sent to Rudy Giuliani.” He describes the memo and I asked him if he would send me a copy, and he did. And the memo goes something like this.
I’m summarizing it now, of course, and I haven’t looked at it in years, but it basically said, “We’ve got an issue on security. We’ve got an AUSA who was hired in Southern District of Florida who is openly gay. We’ve never had this situation before, but it does create a security issue because technically he is a security risk even being openly gay. By all accounts, he’s a superior prosecutor, very, very good at what he does. And the US attorney wants to keep him, and it’s within your discretion to waive this. You can grant him the clearance anyway. You have the authority to do that.
“But if you don’t want to do that, you have grounds to terminate him and you could terminate him because Florida has a sodomy statute and having gay sex is against the law in Florida. And you can terminate him because every AUSA is required to comply with and follow all the laws of the state in which he or she is operating as an Assistant US attorney.” That goes with the job. It’s part of the job description of something. “And so you can terminate him for being an active homosexual.” And that was the choice. But it said I would be the first.
“If you let this happen, this will be the first time.” So I meant to bring the memo today and forgot to do it, but I’ll scan it and send it to you. I think I’ve got it at home. So anyway, that’s the security clearance. So I ultimately got the clearance, stayed with the US attorney until May 1986, so about four years with the US Attorney, ’82 to ’86.
(01:12:04)
Jeff Guin:
Did you ever hear why Giuliani gave you the clearance?
Greg Baldwin:
No, I have no idea. No idea. He didn’t know or didn’t tell me, the reporter that is, and I never really asked. Yeah, I mean I was happy with the result, so I don’t care how it was cooked. The ingredients worked and I got the meal I wanted, so there it was. There’s no reason to push my luck, so to speak.
Jeff Guin:
All right. We’re going to get back to your career in a minute. I imagine a lot of your life was work at this time, but you’re in Miami, it’s a different environment, have the laws in effect. It’s probably is a much more open culture. So was your personal life any different than it had been when you lived up north?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh God, yeah. I wasn’t afraid anymore. I was openly gay. I had gay friends. I had some straight friends, but mostly gay friends. And I mean I just became a member of the gay community down here. I was never a member of the gay community in Rochester or Philadelphia. I simply wasn’t out. It wasn’t going to happen. In Washington, I was out, and down here I was. And the gay community down here was sort of a wreck at the time because this is 1982. They had gone through the Anita Bryant Save Our Children campaign, I think ’78 or ’79, and that was a really horrific experience.
If you read up on it, the things they were putting in the paper during that campaign were just appalling. We were pictured as rapists, child molesters, child seducers. The whole campaign was geared around save our children from the gay recruiters who will seduce them and destroy their lives and probably drink their blood and all the rest of this business. And the anti-gay feeling was extreme down here and the election was so one-sided. I think it was like 70-30 against or to repeal the human rights law in Dade County. What had happened is a human rights ordinance had been passed by the County that prohibited discrimination generally, but originally did not include sexual orientation. It was amended in 1977 to include that, though, and that triggered a maelstrom.
And the far-right Christian community, I don’t know how to describe it, I wasn’t here so I don’t know exactly who did it, recruited Anita Bryant and she led this ”Save Our Children” campaign to repeal the amendment to the county human rights ordinance. And they won by like 70%. It was a humiliating, crushing defeat. And it was virulently anti-gay. It was just ugly. I don’t know how else to describe it. It was just an appalling thing to see. And it was nationwide. This was reported even where I was living, which was Rochester at the time.
And I remember discussing it with my parents on a visit while it was still pending. They lived in Ft. Lauderdale but it was major news there, too. The election hadn’t happened yet. And my parents were just 100% in favor of Anita Bryant repealing the law. And I wasn’t out to them, but I said, “Why? What difference does it make? I mean, really think about it, do you honestly believe that people can be recruited into being gay?” I think it calmed them down a little, but I don’t know if it persuaded them. But they couldn’t vote here anyway. They were in Fort Lauderdale, but the climate down here in 1982 was the fallout from that election campaign, and people were being fired just for being gay.
If someone suspected you were gay, you were fired. It was terrible. And this was on the heels of what was called the Johns Commission. The Johns Commission was a Florida senator who ran a commission to root out gays from the educational system in Florida. I can’t remember when it happened, mid-50s I think. And I mean lives were destroyed in the process. It was a carbon copy of the McCarthy committee hearings against communists, but this was against gays. So this is the climate down here. They’ve been through the Johns Commission.
Now, they’ve been through the Anita Bryant campaign. And everybody is just scared to death that if anybody outs them or identifies them as being gay, they’re going to lose their jobs. And we’re talking professional people here. We’re not talking ditch diggers or landscapers or actual labor jobs. We’re talking like white-collar jobs. These people, lawyers, doctors, very well educated people with their careers on the line if they were outed. And this is the situation or the climate that I sort of tiptoed, I skipped into. Me, I’m openly gay. What’s new?
And I am saying this to all these gay people down here who are just scared shitless. I might be overstating it. They probably would think that I was. But I don’t think I’m overstating it. There was a paranoia in the gay community at the time. And I’m openly gay and from my point of view, I’m not afraid of the straight world. They took their best shot at me. They did their best to fuck me over. I lost one job that I absolutely loved and had to leave the city I loved living in. I’m in Miami. I go through the same thing all over again. This time I win. And I realized, these guys, they’ve done what they can to me. They’ve taken their best shot at me, and I’m still standing.
The only thing they can do now is either beat me up or shoot me, but I’m not scared about losing a job. I mean, my boss knows I’m gay. I’ve got my security clearance. I know I’m not going to get fired. I’m a good prosecutor. I know what I’m doing. And you throw that into a community of people who are shell shocked from Anita Bryant, and they’re scared to come out of the closet and it is sort of a volatile mix. I wasn’t trying to out people. I didn’t want to out people. I understand when you come out, you do it at your own speed. God knows I did.
Nobody outed me and I’m not going to out anybody else, but I’m in this community. And at one point, a bunch of guys got together, all professional people, and they were tired of … You couldn’t meet gay people socially because you couldn’t be out. So it was a very closed knit community and the only place to meet guys was in the bars or in the baths. And really you just couldn’t do it socially. It almost had to be sexual, per se. And there were a lot of people who just didn’t want that. They wanted to meet gay people, but they didn’t necessarily want a trick or they didn’t want to just have sex.
They just wanted to have friends. And so they got together and they formed a group, a professional social group. And I knew one of the guys who was in the group that decided to do this, and they called a meeting of people to form this organization. And through this one guy, I was invited to the thing because what they were looking for were professional gay men to form this organization, and I fit the bill. And ultimately we did form it. We met at somebody’s house and decided to form an organization and we put together bylaws, I don’t recall who wrote them. And it was called Network.
It was never incorporated to my knowledge anyway, at least it wasn’t incorporated then, at the start. It was a social organization, a gay men’s social organization, and a place for gay men to meet socially in a safe environment where they wouldn’t be outed or challenged or called names or get bashed. And this is what everybody was looking for. So we formed the organization called Network, and it started with maybe around 10 people, probably 10. We expanded to probably 60 or 70 over the years. Ultimately, many years later, it morphed into the LGBT, the Gay and Lesbian Chamber of Commerce for South Beach or Miami Beach. And Network sort of morphed into that. And then that morphed into I think a citywide or Greater Miami LGBT Chamber of Commerce. So Network never really died or was dissolved. It, to my mind, sort of lives on. But now it’s no longer necessary. I mean, you can meet people, you can meet gay people and you can meet gay people at a cocktail party that’s thrown by anybody. So it’s not like it was 40 years ago, but it was that way 40 years ago, and so Network did fill a need and a purpose.
And it was through Network that I actually got exposed to AIDS organizations. There was only one down here at the time. It was Health Crisis Network. And Health Crisis Network was being supported by a guy named Ron Barr who was a member of Network. Ron Barr is the guy who got me in as a charter member of Network. It’s two R’s in Barr. He passed away I think in the mid ’90s. He died of HIV, AIDS-
So, we started to actually become a community that had some consciousness of itself and some understanding of its own resources. I think HCN in a sense taught us – or me, at least - that we could actually form and fund an organization and make it work. And I think HCN actually got some grants from the County, which was like pulling out teeth, but I think ultimately it did. And it got grants from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and some of the big-time organizations and managed to fund itself. But for me it was like watching the beginning of a community coming into existence, and to exist without as much fear. Maybe it was just fear reduction. But by reducing the fear, you finally begin to see, to discover the community. Now, maybe it was just the community just getting over its fear, but whatever it was, it was a very real community that was coming into being, one that really had barely existed before, and had been driven deeply underground by the Anita Bryant debacle and trauma. It was breathtaking to watch, and breathtaking to be part of it.
Transcript
(00:00:00)
Greg Baldwin:
Jeff, one thing I want to add before I get into the HIV stuff and all that is just to underscore the fear in the gay community when I came to Miami. Network was an organization of professional gay men, although it ultimately included gay women as well. But everybody was so scared that Network would not even issue a membership list to give to its own members so that they could contact each other. The fear was that it would fall into the hands of somebody who would, I don’t know, somehow make a connection that it was gay or a gay list or a gay organization and everybody would get fired from their job. And we had a newsletter that we ultimately developed, and the newsletter was not allowed to use the word gay, even as a proper noun. So, if we had an article in the newsletter about the Gay Men’s Chorus of South Florida, for example, it had to be called the Men’s Chorus of South Florida.
And you couldn’t write articles or opinion pieces and talk about any gay issues in the newsletter. It was a crazy thing. And I ultimately became president of Network. I don’t remember when, sometime in the late ’80s. And the big fight, when I became president-elect, which meant I would be the president the following year, was over this issue. And as president-elect, I wanted permission to use the word gay in the newsletter. And we had a big debate. We’d have annual goal-setting conferences, usually down in Key West. And at the one that year we had a big debate on the use of the word gay in the newsletter. And I remember one guy, a professional guy, an interior designer, and he said, “Look, we get along”(we being the gay community) “We get along in Miami, because we don’t rock the boat. If anybody ever found out that I’m gay, I would lose my business overnight like that.”
And this is a guy who had been living with a guy for probably 10 years and they obviously weren’t roommates, but he was so scared that he thought he’d lose his entire business if he was openly gay. He wasn’t afraid of being fired. He owned the business. He was afraid of losing the business. And there was another guy who… Very, very successful businessman, he was against using the word gay in the newsletter, because what if his housekeeper saw it and read it? And I said, “Well, people do use the word gay and that doesn’t necessary mean they’re gay.” He said, “Yep, but it’s different. It’s different. I’d be outed to my housekeeper and she’d tell everybody.” And I said, “Well, all you have to do is either lock away or put away the newsletter or just throw it away when you’re done with it, just rip it up or burn it.”
He said, “Well, what happens if the mailman delivers it?” And I said, “Well, the mailman isn’t going to read your mail.” He says, “Well, what if the envelope fell open and it came out?” I mean it was the logic of fear which, when you’re afraid, makes enormous amount of sense, but makes no sense if you’re not afraid, it’s absolutely crazy talk, and that’s the way Network was for years. I mean, I finally sort of dragged it kicking and screaming out of the closet when I became president, because I had the whole thing reargued at the next goal-setting conference. The membership rethought the whole thing and reversed the decision.
But it took a while. I mean, you’re dealing with very intelligent people, and they ultimately realized how silly this argument was, the ridiculous lengths it was going to. But Network really came out later, I don’t remember exactly when this happened, but there was a scandal here in Miami about the gay bathhouse. It was on, I think it still is on Coral Way in… No, it’s in the city, not the Gables.
Jeff Guin:
Is it the Gables?
Greg Baldwin:
Is it the Gables?
Jeff Guin:
Yeah.
Greg Baldwin:
They had a big expose on it and it was focused on the health department and how the health department wasn’t inspecting it. And of course the health department didn’t want to go in anyway and the people in there didn’t want the health department in there. But as a public health issue, it would be impossible for the gay community, with the AIDS epidemic, to be saying, we don’t want the health department to check the hot tub water or the pool water or anything else in this bathhouse. It was just a non-starter of an argument. You would never persuade people that you were right, you’d only persuade them that you’re irresponsible.
So, I took the position of supporting the health regulation of the baths, not regulation in the general sense, but regulation in the sense of the health department going in periodically. I think the health department is supposed to inspect places like, I don’t know, different places I guess, once a year or something like that, and that’s what we supported. And I didn’t want it to blow out of control and become some crusade to close the bath houses down. I wanted to keep the bath houses open and the only way to do it was to refocus the issue from whether to close them or not, to focus it on whether to have health inspections or not.
So, we focused on the health inspections and in doing that, we had to make a big argument in front of the County Commission, because they were ultimately voting on it. And I used my contacts in Network to get a whole bunch of gay guys who were all professionals to come in and openly testify before the City Commission that they were gay and they supported health regulations in the gay bath house, which was light years of progress in coming out, when you think of it.
Because I remember one of the members of Network was a reporter for the Miami Herald, and he was in the press booth watching this very public presentation before the County Commission with all the other press people, all presumably straight people, who are listening to this parade of gay professional people coming in as openly gay , and the press pool is going, “Jesus Christ, he’s a doctor and he’s gay and he’s saying it.” “He’s a lawyer and he’s gay.” And they were absolutely just knocked over by the fact that gay people actually can be professional people. And I mean, it was this kind of exposure that is what the community desperately needed, because it tended to destroy the gay stereotypes that have always plagued us. And Network was deeply involved in that effort and I was really proud of Network. Its members had come a long, long way. and ultimately we won, the baths stayed open. They didn’t like the heath regulations, but they got inspected by the health department periodically and everybody managed to survive.
So, it worked. But in the course of it, we presented a completely different face to the straight community and to the politicians, a face that they had never seen before. And that was the face of respectable, tax paying, successful professional people, with great educations and great credentials, people that you don’t want to kick out of the community, that you want in the community.
Jeff Guin:
When you came into Network, was it already established or were you there at the foundation?
Greg Baldwin:
I was at the foundation. I was one of the charter members. There were probably about 10 or 12 charter members, I think. I may have said five or six before, and it was not that, because I remember we were all in a large living room in a big circle, and it must’ve been about 10 or 12 people.
Jeff Guin:
So, you were just meeting socially and then someone had the idea, “Let’s make this something official?”
Greg Baldwin:
No, it wasn’t off-the-cuff like that. I mean, the organizational meeting was a bunch of people who had all talked individually or in smaller groups about the idea of having a gay professional organization for men, somewhere we could meet people, be safe, all that stuff. And so they intentionally got together in a meeting intended for the purpose of forming the organization that was Network. And then Network expanded over the years, as I said. And if a member had a particular interest, he could use Network to publish that interest. We used to go… One time we went to the dress rehearsal of the opera. I can’t remember what the opera was, and we’d have a social event and watch the dress rehearsal.
We’d have meetings that would focus on certain topics that a member would present, I remember one where we had a big presentation on the art of Gaudí, the Barcelona Spaniard, which was actually really eye-opening, very educational. One member came back from a trip to Europe and we set up a projector and watched his slides. We really loved it. We’d do stuff like that. So, we’d have meetings, meetings for a purpose, but the purpose would be selected by a member who would volunteer to make a presentation or bring somebody in to make a presentation. We went to the Wolfson Museum one time to see the collection of fascist art, which is absolutely fascinating. Boy, I wish that was still there. But it was a very useful and informative and effective organization, but very much behind the scenes, because Network didn’t do things in public as Network. An example is me. Ron Barr was a charter member of Network, and he was also involved, I think I mentioned this before, with Health Crisis Network. He was a big supporter of HCN and he called a bunch of people in Network and wanted them to come over for dinner at his place and he wanted to talk about Network or Health Crisis Network HCN, which he did.
And we didn’t realize until the end that we were basically prisoners there. We weren’t leaving until we had made a contribution to HCN. I’d never been asked to make a contribution, I think, except to the United Way, and that was in the Army. I just never had been solicited for anything, and this was the first time. But Ron was really big into this, and Ron wanted me to get more involved, and I was interested, because I was concerned with the epidemic. This would be 1983 at this point. So, the epidemic is in full swing and they haven’t discovered protease inhibitors. And it was in the days where if you were diagnosed with HIV, it was essentially a death sentence. You would usually have about six months, maybe a year to live at the best. Usually it was closer to six months and less, and even when they started getting it under control, it was still not under control.
I remember one guy who was a doctor, really fine man, and, Cuban-American, he was HIV. He got pneumocystis pneumonia and died within a week. It was just completely sudden. We got to be real experts on putting together memorial services and how to do a non-denominational or a denominational, memorial service. I mean, we became experts on death and dying, and we were pretty good at it. Sort of macabre, isn’t it? It became almost a social function, it was so common. These was not Network social functions, but many of us in Network were doing things like that. And I got involved with Health Crisis Network. And as with most organizations, if you volunteer to do work and you actually do the work and you turn out to be reliable, they want more and more and more from you, and I wound up ultimately on the board of HCN. HCN was in those days cash starved, but ultimately was quite successful. But in the early days, man, I remember when the only thing it owned was a typewriter and that was a used, non-electric typewriter, but that’s all we had. We used to meet in St. John’s Church on 23rd Avenue. I think it was 23rd. And we used to meet in St. John’s Church, and that was rent-free, fortunately because we couldn’t afford any rent. And we were trying to raise money, but none of us knew how. None of us had any experience in doing anything like that.
But we ultimately learned. We had to. I mean, people would give if you asked. So, I sort of learned how to ask to get money. I hated doing it and I still hate doing it, but I got fairly good at it, and I managed to get over most of my scruples in asking. And so we ultimately had, I think one of the first big breakthroughs, not the first, because there are other people doing these things too. I mean, this is not just me alone doing these things. You have to understand there’s a community here. And so when I’m talking about fundraising, there are probably a dozen other people doing the same fundraising for the same organization, right?
It wasn’t organized as well as it could have been. But the point is, this is not the story of moi. It’s not about me. This is the community. And so when I’m saying I’m doing these things, you have to think in terms of there’s probably a dozen other people out there doing exactly the same thing. So, that’s why I’m saying the first big fundraiser that I remember for HCN probably wasn’t necessarily the first, but it’s the first I remember. HCN was living on a shoestring, literally. And the first time we ever got six figures, wait a minute, no, five figures. Six, Jesus, we’d dream about raising six figures. The first time we got over $10,000 in our treasury was after Ron Barr went to a Network meeting and said our community needs us. He meant gay community, of course. The straight community had disowned us. And he persuaded another Newtown member to have a cocktail party for the purpose of raising money for HCN. The guy was a stockbroker at Merrill Lynch, Dick Pollock, and Dick Pollock had a beautiful house on South Miami Avenue.
It was just absolutely designed for entertaining and for cocktail parties. And Dick was Jewish and very, very active in fundraising for the Jewish community. So, he knew how to do these things and he was a member of Network. So, Ron and I at the meeting went to him and asked him if he would be willing to do something to try and raise money for Health Crisis Network, and I don’t think he even hesitated. He was more than happy to do it. And he was the one who came up with an idea of, “I’ll have a cocktail party and I’ll ask every person who comes to make a donation.” I think this was how he had been doing it in the Jewish community, but it was unheard of in the gay community. I mean, we didn’t have cocktail parties, basically, or if we did, they were very private, they weren’t broad-based and you’d never ask for money.
But Dick threw one at his home. We raised, I think about $15,000. Now, when Dick invited people, he would follow up the invitation with a call saying, “I expect you to come with a check of at least $100, and if you don’t come with a check of $100, then don’t come.” And Dick was a social mover. I mean, he was a mover and shaker. A lot of the gay people in Miami used him as their broker because he was gay and he was good at his job. And so he carried a lot of weight in the gay community, the social part of the gay community. And he threw this fundraiser and we made a lot of money on it. And that was the first one that I ever recall. After that, it became much more common. And then it became almost de rigueur to do a… If you went to a cocktail party, you’d always ask, “How much and who’s it for?” It got to be that way normally.
So, we started to actually become a community that had some consciousness of itself and some understanding of its own resources. I think HCN in a sense taught us – or me, at least – that we could actually form and fund an organization and make it work. And I think HCN actually got some grants from the County, which was like pulling out teeth, but I think ultimately it did. And it got grants from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and some of the big-time organizations and managed to fund itself. But for me it was like watching the beginning of a community coming into existence, and to exist without as much fear. Maybe it was just fear reduction. But by reducing the fear, you finally begin to see, to discover the community. Now, maybe it was just the community just getting over its fear, but whatever it was, it was a very real community that was coming into being, one that really had barely existed before, and had been driven deeply underground by the Anita Bryant debacle and trauma. It was breathtaking to watch, and breathtaking to be part of it.
So, a lot of the AIDS organization and stuff was, to my mind, twofold in purpose. It was one, to help people who needed help, always people with AIDS first, PWAs as they were referred to in those days. In one organization, for example, we would give money, you’d bring your electric bill, we’d pay it, that sort of thing, because these people were dying. They couldn’t work. They had no income, they didn’t have Social Security. There was nothing for them. There was no safety net. They didn’t know how to find a doctor or access health services. HCN was great for that. They didn’t know how to get into social groups or access social services. Body Positive was really good for that. HOPE was the one that was founded through the Episcopal Church at the cathedral down on Bayshore off 15th Street, the cathedral there.
Winnie, I can’t think of her last name now. She was Anglican. She and her husband were both Anglican priests and she took the lead on this, and she was very effective, and we raised a lot of money and helped a lot of people. But to my mind, and this is the second part, it was not only just helping people, it was building a community, growing a community, because from my point of view I just didn’t like everybody being closeted and everybody being scared, and I was not comfortable with their discomfort, and they were not comfortable with my comfort. And so I was trying my best to make it safe to come out and to demonstrate to people that you can be openly gay and not necessarily get fired. In fact, being out might prove to be to your advantage, and in some cases I suppose it is.
Jeff Guin:
You mentioned Dick, is he still around?
Greg Baldwin:
No, Dick passed away. I think of a heart condition, but I’m not sure, I guess it was in the ’90s.
Jeff Guin:
But he was an important an important figure?
Greg Baldwin:
He was a very important figure. To me he was a major figure, and he was a very important figure within Network. And he was sort of the social center, like Truman Capote with the Swans, he was the head Swan, right? He was the guy who would give you a blessing, but if he didn’t, if he gave you the curse, you were out. Now, not completely of course, there’s other places to go, but for the high society, so to speak, the money gays. He knew them all and he could tap into their resources and God bless him, he did. And he saved HCN. And in doing that, he saved lives.
Jeff Guin:
You mentioned, I mean, obviously you’ve done a lot in an official capacity or advocacy HIV, but what was going on in your personal life? I mean, did you have friends that were suffering from it or how was it impacting you personally?
Greg Baldwin:
AIDS or?
Jeff Guin:
AIDS and HIV.
Greg Baldwin:
AIDS and HIV? Well, yeah, I mean, back then you couldn’t have friends who weren’t dying. It just didn’t happen. If you were gay and you had gay friends, you had friends who were dying. And what is the impact of that? I don’t know. I’ve never stopped to think about it and gauge it. I just learned how to cope with death. I learned how to lose friends, and it’s not a lesson that’s fun learning. And I did not enjoy learning it. But you had to. If you were gay, that was your lot, that was your life. Your friends would disappear overnight with almost no warning. My God, and in the midst of all of this, I got married. So, life goes on.
Jeff Guin:
Tell me about that. How did you meet?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, actually we met through Network. We met in 1983 and married in ’84. When I say get married in ’84, I’m obviously using the phrase loosely, because we were not legally married. We are now, we got legally married in 2011, but back then, you’d just declare yourself married or lovers or whatever you wanted to call it, significant others. We never used the term husband. That didn’t come until it became legal. But I met him at a Network Christmas party in ’83, that was thrown by Network. Howard Snoweiss was the guy who threw the party. It was in his kitchen that I met my husband, Jose Castro.
We didn’t start dating right away. We hit it off right away. But we didn’t start dating at all, because… This is going to sound so pretentious. I was on the membership committee and Jose was applying as a member of Network. And to get into Network, you had to fill out an application about three or four pages, and then you had to be voted on and you had to be approved by I think a super majority or 75%, something like that. And so Jose was applying and the membership committee would review all the applications and then vote on whether or not to recommend this person as a member for Network.
Since I was considering Jose’s application, I thought it was a conflict of interest to be dating him at the same time. So, we didn’t start dating until about three or four months after we first met. And then it’s a long and uninteresting story to anybody except the two of us, but we decided to get married. June 1st is our anniversary date. That was June 1st, 1984. So, I would say it’s been, yeah, it’ll be 40 years this June, so…
Jeff Guin:
Okay. How did you know? I mean, you’ve had relationships before this both with a woman and a man, and there’s this guy. What was it about him that made you think?
Greg Baldwin:
I don’t know, it’s just, I mean, there was no lightning bolts or anything like that. There was no chorus in the sky or any of that good stuff. It just happened. I was at the time prosecuting the Great American Bank of Dade County. It was the first bank ever indicted for money laundering. And in those days, that was the failure to file Currency Transaction Reports. It was the first money laundering case against a bank. It was not the first conviction, that happened in Boston, but it was the first indictment, and ultimately the bank pled guilty.
But it was a hard-fought case. I mean every fucking step of the way. It was a real misery. And we’re moving closer to trial. We have a suppression hearing, and then we have the trial maybe scheduled a couple of three months after the suppression hearing. The suppression hearing was to suppress all the evidence about the CTRs. And in the middle of this, I’m living at a place on Darwin Street in Coconut Grove, right across from the old Coconut Grove Hotel in a building called The Louvre, and it was an apartment building, and they did month-to-month tenancy. And that’s what I was looking for. And that’s what I had gotten into.
Nice building. It’s no longer there. It’s long gone now. Some high-rise or something is there, but it was a month-to-month tenancy. And they sold the building to build a high-rise. So, they terminated all of the leases. They gave everybody 30 days notice. So, I’m in the middle of preparing for this trial and I have to pack up everything and move out and find another place, and I’m working 12 hours a day on this case. Well, Jose and I were dating at the time and Jose, just to help, started packing my stuff for me. And I would come home at night at 08:00 or 09:00 o’clock and he’d be in my apartment packing the drawers or the silverware and stuff like that. I could not have gotten out of that place in time without him, because I had absolutely no way of packing and doing this case at the same time. And he actually, I think he’s the one who found my new apartment. He found it through Network connections. Bob Hosmon was a member of Network, and Bob had a couple of bungalows in Coconut Grove on Oak Avenue that he lived in and rented.
So Jose found this apartment on Oak Avenue, through Bob Housman. He owned it. And I rented it, I think probably again, month to month, but I don’t recall. It doesn’t matter. Anyway, come moving day I’m still in the middle of this case and I have to move, physically move. And somehow I managed to do that, but I couldn’t have done it without Jose. And Jose was still helping. And we were still dating, but by the time Oak Avenue comes around, he’s basically living there with me. There was no formal decision to do it. It was just that he was unboxing the boxes and setting up the furniture, because I just simply did not have the time to do any of that. And so basically he was taking care of me and setting up my home.
And where I lived in this new apartment was a block and a half from where he worked, he worked at the Joyce Snoweiss Design Group, which was in a little strip mall on Oak Avenue. I can’t remember the names of the streets now. It’s on the corner of Oak Avenue. I don’t remember the name of the other street, but it was one block down. Our apartment was 3061 Oak Avenue, that’s where we first lived together.
Jeff Guin:
So, what kind of design did he do?
Greg Baldwin:
He was in interior design. He specialized actually in interior design for the cruise ships. It’s how I got my first cruise. It used to be they could take the cruises for 25 bucks a day. It was cheaper to cruise with that deal than it was to live at home. But my apartment was closer to his work than his apartment was to his work. He could walk to work from my apartment. So, he just started living there and he’d walk to work, come back and do some more unpacking, and finally, and this is the way I proposed to him, when he finally brought his cat to live in my apartment, I looked at the cat and I looked at him and I said, “I think we’re married.”
It actually happened at Fox’s, it was over dinner that we decided we were married. I mean, that’s how it was done. There was no oath-taking or anything like that. It was just that we decided we were a couple and that was it, and we’ve been a couple ever since.
Jeff Guin:
Did you have any conception at that time that it would last as long as it did?
Greg Baldwin:
All I can say is that I intended it to last that long. We both did. Never occurred to us it would end. I mean, that was the whole purpose, to find a life partner. And I think it was from his point of view too. I mean, it’s just, we committed. You don’t commit for a year. I mean you can, but when you make a lifetime commitment, it doesn’t mean one year, it means a lifetime, and that’s what we did. All these things went without saying. We didn’t express them. I didn’t say, “I intend to live with you for the rest of my life.” We just understood it. And here we are today, spending too much money on a 40th anniversary party.
Jeff Guin:
So, but you’re getting together at a time where for a lot of people and they don’t have those tomorrows necessarily, but you’re making that commitment. It seems like an extraordinary thing to do.
Greg Baldwin:
People were doing it all the time, Jeff, I mean, it was nothing unique to me or to Jose. I mean, what’s unique I suppose, is our relationship has lasted so long and many relationships don’t, but the fact that we got married in the middle of the AIDS epidemic, there’s nothing unique about that. Not to my mind anyway. I mean, people were getting married and divorced all the time, and I’m using this in the gay sense. So, when I say married, it’s in quotes, same with divorce, it’s in quotes. We weren’t allowed to marry legally, but then, we didn’t have to divorce legally, either. To get a divorce you would just say, “Get the fuck out.” Like the Muslims. I think the Muslim rule is that if the husband says in front of a witness to his wife, “I divorce you, I divorce you, I divorce you,” three times, it’s a legal divorce. And that was sort of the gay marriage system, except instead of saying, “I divorce you,” it was just, “Get out.” It was all done so much more informally than now, which actually gave us a lot more freedom, because we could marry and divorce and we didn’t have to worry about lawyers. We didn’t have to worry about alimony. Obviously child support was not a question, so…
Jeff Guin:
Do you know of any other couples that have been together as long you?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, yeah.
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, yeah. Yeah. Almost all our friends, straight and gay, are long-term couples. I guess we sort of have magnetic attractions to each other as couples. There’s sort of an attraction. I don’t know what. For example, we just went up to Boston last December for the burial of a good friend who lived on Cape Cod and in Fort Lauderdale. We had met him on Cape Cod, then we met his husband, and we became very close friends down here and up there. We’d socialize all the time. He passed away from stomach cancer, very real shock, in December. He and his husband had been together for 44 years. Gay friends of ours in the building we live in, same thing, married for decades. They’re all long-term relationships. I’m not sure why. We just sort of gravitate in that direction. Anyway, long term gay relationships are not uncommon. I’m not sure I’ve ever socialized or been close with a couple that got divorced. I mean, they’re all together still.
I don’t know if anybody has ever done any statistics on it, but I frankly think gay relationships and… before legal marriage anyway… gay relationships lasted longer than straight relationships, because gay relationships were purely voluntary. There were no legal ramifications for ending the relationship, which made it all the more voluntary. I mean, part of me is sort of sorry that marriage is legal now, because you lose all of that sense of, “I am with you because I want to be with you. I’m not here for the children. I’m not here because I can’t afford a lawyer.” Or stuff like that. “I’m not here because parental pressure or any of that business.” Because parents of gays often didn’t even know their gay children were married.
What I do remember is people in couple situations dying and the parents of the deceased not even speaking to their deceased child’s significant other or husband or however you want to call it. I remember property being literally taken from the survivors in some marriages or some gay relationships, because the parents of the deceased simply would not recognize the relationship. So, that was the ugly part of it, but the part of being together, it was just because you wanted to be together and that was it. So, I sort of miss that, but…
Jeff Guin:
So, let’s circle back to Network just a minute. You mentioned the newsletter. Do you have any copies of those newsletters still?
Greg Baldwin:
I doubt it. I might have in some box stored somewhere. I can look. We had a logo. We had a professionally designed logo for Network. I can’t describe it. I really don’t remember it that well, but you’re dealing with an organization that’s gay professional men. So, you’ve got professional designers, you’ve got printers, you’ve got writers, you’ve got all of that stuff at your fingertips. So yeah, we had a good newsletter, relatively informative, very regular, it was a monthly. And when we had a goal-setting conference, we would have special logo invitations designed by a very popular local artist, Marty Kreloff, who actually designed, I think he designed the first poster for the White Party. It’s K-R-E-L-O-F-F, and he is in Las Vegas now. Unfortunately. I wish he had stayed here, but he didn’t.
Jeff Guin:
We’ll see if you can dig up a copy of the newsletter.
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, I’ll see if I can find it.
Jeff Guin:
It would be nice to illustrate.
Greg Baldwin:
All right.
I had my strategy for preventing a repeal referendum, and I had put it into effect as best I could. But after all, I was an amateur in politics and I really had no guarantee, actually, I had no clue, as to whether the strategy would work. One gay political consultant told me that we were heading for a disaster worse than Anita Bryant and that we should not under any circumstances pass the human rights ordinance. But there was no way I was going to retreat, any more than I was going to go back into the closet. So, damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead! To coin a phrase.
Transcript
(00:00:00)
Jeff Guin:
So we were going to go to the human rights ordinance.
Greg Baldwin:
Human rights ordinance. Yeah. Well, I’m not sure where to start. It was…
I knew the history of Miami Dade County. It was Dade County back then, and I knew about the human rights ordinance amendment that Ruth Shack had introduced when she was on the County commission. She was a Commissioner from 1976 to, I think, 1986, and in early 1977 she introduced an amendment to the Dade County Human Rights Ordinance to include a ban on discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. And that led directly to Anita Bryant, and later in ‘77 the amendment was repealed, by a 70% vote. It was a humiliating, soul crushing, defeat after a ferociously ugly, hate filled political campaign.
And as a result, I think largely of the AIDS stuff, the HIV business in the organizations, I started getting more political. Not in the sense of radically wanting to conquer the world or getting elected to high office, but in the sense of we needed money and we wanted to get city and county grants and things like that. But to get them, you had to know people and you had to have some pull. So we started thinking in terms of, and when I say we, it’s me and friends, not organizations, not the AIDS organizations, but we started thinking in terms of political organization and trying to accomplish something politically. But I have to admit that, always in the back of my mind, my goal was always to get that Human Rights Amendment back into law. So getting grants was, for me, only part of the reason for getting political
At the time, one thing, speaking about AIDS, and this might sound really wretched, but AIDS in a way was a real godsend to the gay community. Yes, I know how sick that sounds, but bear with me. It was a double-edged sword, that’s probably a better way to put it, not a godsend, God knows that. But it was a double-edged sword because some good, a lot of good, did come out of it.
I had always maintained that if every gay person in the world suddenly turned blue for 24 hours, discrimination would come to a screeching halt. Because then people would realize that their fathers, their brothers, their sons, their uncles, their cousins, their aunts, their nieces, nephews, had turned blue and so were gay. They’d see that people that they knew and admired and loved were gay, and that those people didn’t fit the ugly gay stereotypes that were sold by Anita Bryant and that crowd. And that’s arguably what AIDS did for the gay community because the gay community had to stand up in public for many years into the epidemic. In effect, many, many gay people turned blue and everyone else could see it.
That was because, if you supported people with AIDS or supported organizations or worked with them, actually, not support, but worked with them, you were almost automatically gay. Those werethe only people who were really interested in this at the time, especially here. You remember Larry Kramer was shouting into the wind, but for a reason. It was because nobody in the straight world cared about the epidemic, and that’s what got him involved.
But in different ways it got other people involved, and they wound up coming out. And people were shocked at who was coming out. People were surprised at who was involved with this AIDS organization or that AIDS organization, they were surprised that a supposedly close friend was suddenly in mourning for his or her lost lover, when they didn’t even know that for all practical purposes their friend had been married for ten years. . And in that sense, I think HIV helped us. It helped us organize, but it helped change the perception of the community, the straight perception of the community, where not only were we suddenly seen as something beyond and different from the stereotypes that they had believed were real, and that the straight people had been brought up on, but they began to see us as a community that was capable of organizing, forming organizations, sustaining those organizations, and actually getting things done and helping people. They finally began to see beyond the gay stereotypes and see us as we actually were.
So it made an enormous difference, I think, to the gay community. It was a catalyst in a way. And I know that’s probably grossly politically incorrect to say, but I firmly believe that AIDS, in a sense, although it ruined us in terms of friends, family, and friendships, just by killing people off, it did have a pervesely beneficial effect on the community as a whole. And now that it’s more under control, maybe it’s safer to say something like that, but I don’t think it’d be popular to say it too publicly. But that’s what I actually believe. And it’s one of the reasons why I started to get political.
I can’t remember exactly the first time I got political or got politically involved. We started trying to form political organizations and we could never click with the community. Nothing seemed to work. People just weren’t politically inclined. They weren’t really interested in it at all. And it was a combination of just not caring, apathy plus the fear I already talked about, and the belief that it just couldn’t be done. We had been in a political campaign before, and we came out of it not only with a bloody nose, but no nose. I mean, the 1977 Anita Bryant election was a devastating experience. Nobody liked it, nobody wanted to go through it again. Especially because they were convinced we just could not win, ever.
But it actually had to be done and it had to be done by somebody. And I thought, if not now, when? If not me, who? And I was lucky enough to be in a position to do these things. I was a partner in a major law firm, Holland & Knight, and my firm fully supported me in these efforts. I knew I wasn’t going to lose my job, and I knew I’d survive even if I did. And I don’t know exactly how it happened, but I wound up sort of a spokesperson. I’m not sure. I can’t point to any event that made me a spokesperson. There was no official announcement, of course. But I wound up that, when gay issues came up, the media would come to me.
And I think one of the reasons that they came to me is because the only two people who really spoke for the gay community, and this is back in the early 80s now, so only a few years after Anita Bryant, were the two people who led the campaign against Anita Bryant, at least as I recall, and from what I’ve learned, were Jack Campbell and Bob Kunst. Jack Campbell was the guy who owned the gay bathhouse here. Actually, I think he had a nationwide chain, he and his partners, and they broke up the partnership and he got some of the bath houses and they got the other bath houses, and he got the one in Miami among others.
So it was Jack Campbell who was not really the most wholesome symbol of the gay community since he’s making a living on the bath houses. And Bob Kunst. Bob Kunst was pretty close to brilliant, but he was very radical. He was very in your face. He would conduct interviews, if there was an issue about the police conducted a raid on such and such a park and arrested five men for having sex, and they’d go to Bob Kunst, or Bob Kunst would go to the media, and Bob would be as likely as not to say, “There’s not only nothing wrong with having sex in the public park, but we have a right to it. We’re entitled to it.”
And he would say things that were so in your face that, well, no politician would go near him. And the media used him almost reluctantly, and as something to perpetuate the stereotypes with. I don’t mean the flamboyancy, but mostly the sex. He was very in your face about gay sex. And he loved to do it with the straight community. So they weren’t really good spokespersons for the community. And they were as likely to embarrass the media or the politicians or both, as anything else.
And somehow I got into the position where the media was calling me. I think my big breakthrough with the media came in August 1991, when the Miami New Times did a really long lead article about me and my involvement with the gay community. I still have that issue of New Times. And the reason the media were calling me is because… Well, I was about 35, maybe 40 years old, relatively presentable on camera, somewhat articulate. In those days, II could actually put together a full, coherent sentence and speak maybe five sentences all at once in a row, and make sense.
So the media started coming to me and asking for the gay community’s thoughts on this or the gay community’s thoughts on that. And that was a catalyst for getting into politics as well, because I had, well, access to the media is putting it too strongly, but I had a good reputation with them. I think that’s probably the good way to put it. A good reputation with the media as somebody safe that you can go to and ask questions about the gay community and not be embarrassed or have to have to leave half the interview on the cutting room floor.
So we formed, ultimately, we went through probably two or three different organizations trying to get them going. One was called DARE, Dade Advocates for Rights and Equality. And it was sort of embarrassing because the anti-drug organization called DARE came up about a year later. And so it got confusing. Although we got probably some free publicity.
But the one that finally worked, the one that clicked was Dade ActionPAC – that’s PAC, for Political Action Committee. That was indirectly the brainchild of a guy that I knew, name’s on the tip of my tongue, and I can’t think of it. Marvin Crystal. Marvin Crystal was a professional and a member of Network. I don’t remember what he did down here, but he did a lot of work in New York, and he would travel back and forth quite a bit.
And I had a group, sort of a discussion group, where a bunch of us, maybe six, seven, eight guys, we’d get together on Friday morning for breakfast at the Holiday Inn of all places. The Holiday Inn, which was located right downtown, it was on Brickell Avenue right before the bridge, just on the south side of the river, where the Icon Brickell Towers are today.
And one Friday, Marvin came back, he said he had just gotten back from New York a day or two ago. He had been there for the weekend. And he said, “And I went to this event, it was thrown by a political action committee in New York, and it was all gay, and they raised like $75,000 for political stuff, not for aids, but for political stuff.” I mean, he was still in a state of shock at the amount of money and that was raised for a gay political organization. And he says, “Why can’t we do something like that here?” And I started thinking, “Yeah, why can’t we do something like that here?”
And I started looking into it and I had the computer and all the rest of that, and I could do research during the day, skip lunch. So I started looking up the political laws and stuff like that. Ultimately, we formed the Dade ActionPAC. That would’ve been probably late 80s, ’88, ’89, somewhere around there. And Dade ActionPAC, … well, I mentioned to you at lunch that I’ve just been incredibly lucky my whole life.
And the luck struck again with the PAC because when… Two things came together, one was a guy in Network was into real estate and had a large number of real estate holdings. One of them was a building in the design district and Joe Palant was his name. And he had actually the most unique building in the design district. It’s right on Northeast Second Avenue, maybe halfway up in the design district. And it’s a very unique building, one story, white, right on the corner. It was an old bank, and Joe owned it.
And at that point in time, the design district had basically collapsed. When the Design Center of the Americas, “Dakota,” was opened up just off 95 North, all the design people basically moved up there and the design district, you could barely give away the property. It was just empty, nothing there. The stores were all closed, nothing. You could park wherever you wanted. That’s how empty it was.
So he said, “If you guys need a building or a headquarters, you can take this one.” So we did. We jumped on it, we cleaned the thing up and put up a sign, and it looked great. And very impressive.
And the other thing that happened at the same time, serendipitously, was that Miami Beach rewrote its Charter. There had been so much political corruption, and the mayor, Alex Dowd had gone to jail, and a couple of commissioners or city councilmen had gone to jail, and they just basically started from scratch.
So they rewrote the Carter and in November 1991 they held an election in which they, and this is very unusual, they elected the Mayor and the entire City Commission, all in the same election. The City Commission usually ran in staggered terms. But in this one election I don’t know how they worked it out, but in the first election they all ran in the same election. It was a fluke because it was the seven key Miami Beach offices, Mayor and six City Commissioners, all up for grabs at the same time in one election. Dade ActionPac in the meantime had been growing and getting members. And we actually had volunteers who would do political work. And we weren’t asking anybody to do anything radical or crazy or in your face, it was just all very mainstream, we tried consciously to keep as mainstream as possible.
And that turned out to attract people more than anything that was radical or in your face. It was more comfortable for one thing, and less confrontational, and a lot more fun. Dade ActionPAC was growing. And we held a meeting at a home on, it was in Miami Beach, it was on one of the Venetian islands. I don’t recall which one, but it was on the beach. The first two islands are in Miami, and then the remainder were in Miami Beach, and it was at the home of Clark Reynolds and Dennis Leyva.
And we had our PAC meeting, our min-rally and the whole thing, and after everybody left I hung around with one of the other people in the PAC. I think I was the chair and I think she was the vice chair, I’m not sure. But anyway, we stayed around and I said to Clark and Dennis, “We’ve got an idea.” I said, “You’ve got an election coming up here. All of the city offices are wide open. Why don’t we get involved in the election? Let’s go to the candidates. Let’s ask them, how do you feel about gay rights? What do you think of gay people? What do you think of the gay community? Put them on the spot and see what we can do and see what we can accomplish. We have absolutely nothing to lose. We’ve got everything to gain.”
And they said, “Well, yeah, but what would we want? What would they do?” And I said, and this was really off the top of my head, but I said, “Well, how about a human rights ordinance? I mean, it’s not the County, but it’s a major metropolitan area in the County. And maybe if we can get Miami Beach to do it, we can get Coral Gables to do it, maybe we can get Opa-Locka to do it, maybe we can get South Miami to do it. We could start the ball rolling and get to the point where we’d have enough political influence and experience with these ordinances. And enough of them hopefully would have passed in different cities, to the point that we could introduce it again to the County Commission and get back the Human Rights Ordinance that was lost with Anita Bryant in ‘77.”
But, I explained that we would be doing it in a very, very political mainstream sort of way. Nothing radical, nothing crazy, just normal, everyday people, professionals, non-professionals working together to accomplish a political goal. And they liked the idea of starting with Miami Beach. And Clark and Dennis just enlisted right away, said, “Yeah, let’s do it.”
So we called a meeting of the PAC and got all the volunteers together, and we got somebody to write up flyers, and somebody to draft up endorsement questionnaires, and we sent the endorsements out to all of the candidates and almost all of them answered favorably and said, “Yes, I’d like to be interviewed for your endorsement.” And when we endorsed them, when we interviewed them we did it in the building, in the design district that Joe Palant was letting us use. So, to the candidates, we really looked like we had our act together, that we were an effective mainstream political organization, just one they had never heard of. And we really did have our act together. We really were well organized.
Politics is so much appearance as opposed to reality, and we looked much bigger and much more established than we actually were because had this building, it had a sign on it that said Dade Action PAC. Was it in a main part of the City? It was not a heavily traveled part of Miami, but it was in the City. They felt safe going there, and they did go there, and they were interviewed.
There was one thing in particular that I remember from when we were doing the interviews. We had two scheduled for this one evening, we did them all in the evening over three or four days. One candidate was, I think, Abe Shapiro, and the other was David Dermer. Abe Shapiro was first this particular night. David Dermer was second. David ultimately became the mayor of Miami Beach. But the building, being an old bank had very strange acoustics. And you could hear people at the front door as if they were standing right next to you, but we were actually 20 or 30 feet away from them. It was just very odd acoustics. It’s like that spot in the Capitol building in Washington where they’ve got the whispering corner or something.
But that’s the way it worked. And we happened to be in the area, the receiving area, in the building. It was all just one big room and then a couple of little offices in the back. So we are in the room, we’re at the back, we have just finished with Abe, and he’s walking out, he’s at the door, and David is walking in for his appointment. David says to Abe, “So what are they like?” And Abe Shapiro says, “They’re really normal.”
I realized then, if not before, that we as gays could be very frightening to politicians. We did not have a good reputation as a community because our only reputation in the political community was from the Anita Bryant campaign. And that was not well organized for us, it was just a mess. And I realized that part of the job here is to make the politicians feel safe with us, and let them know that they will not be embarrassed or humiliated in public because they are with a gay group, or with a gay spokesperson, or a gay representative, or something like that. So I realized that this was actually half the battle.
The other half of the battle we’re already fighting, and that was to persuade our own community that we could do this. Because nobody believed we could do it. And very few people who had contributed to the gay effort in the 1977 political campaign ever gave us a cent because they had been burned once and they didn’t want to be burned again. But anyway, we managed to put this thing together. We got the volunteers together. We knew what the politicians wanted, which was volunteers to get the word out, to put out the flyers, and contributions. We did our formal endorsements, and they were formally announced at a big event in a donated space (donated by a gay owner)It was an event where we announced all of our endorsements, and for each candidate we endorsed, we called up to the stage and we gave them a check from the PAC for the maximum contribution at the time, which I think was $500, but I’m not sure. Now, I’m out to impress these guys because I want these guys to pass a Miami Beach human rights ordinance at some point. I had already talked to Sy Gelber who was the candidate for mayor about it, and he said he would be willing to consider it, which was about the best commitment I was going to get at that time from anybody.
So anyway, we were endorsing these guys and I wanted to impress the candidates, I wanted to make us look bigger than we were. Politics is all smoke and mirrors anyway. Appearances count more in politics than anywhere else, I think. Except maybe in the bedroom. But I went to about… at this event, we had probably about 80 or 90 people at this thing. It was in a storefront on Alton Road, and 80 or 90 people was a lot to have. But I knew almost all of them, and I knew the ones that had enough money to make a contribution. So I took about maybe five, six people aside at the beginning of the event and I said, “Look, we’re going to give these guys a check, but then I’m going to ask for anybody in the audience, the gay audience, to voluntarily give another check, make it more worth the candidates while and impress them with our ability to raise contributions. And I want you to please raise your hand and say, ‘I’ll give a hundred dollars,’ not to the PAC, but to the candidate who’s being presented with the endorsement.” They all agreed, and it worked like a charm because Gelber was the first one presented, and I introduced Gelber, announced his endorsement and gave him the check for $500.
And then I just turned to the audience and I said, “Look, guys, a successful political campaign costs a lot more than $500. This helps, but he needs more help. Will anybody here volunteer to give another a hundred dollars to Judge Gelber’s campaign?” (At the time, Gelber was a former juvenile court judge and was referred to as Judge Gelber. )And of course, I already had the guy in the audience and he raises his hand and says, “I’ll donate a hundred dollars.” And he actually triggered two more people to do the same thing. And we did this with each candidate, and it worked. Each one of my plants, so to speak, was supposed to announce a donation to a particular candidate. And we did this with each one, and it worked. I don’t want you to think this was phony. It was very real. Each donor actually donated. We probably raised anywhere from 800 to a thousand dollars per candidate in this one meeting. That’s the $500 from the PAC and then the voluntary donations called for among the audience.
And we really looked to the candidates as organized, knowing what we were doing, and having financial resources. And then of course, when we actually got into the campaigning, we were able to call in, oh, I’d say probably about 10, maybe 15 volunteers at a time. And we would put out flyers throughout all of South Beach. South Beach was essentially the gay area anyway, and that’s what we were aiming at.
(00:26:04)
Jeff Guin:
Can you make a time frame for when this was happening?
Greg Baldwin:
Let me see. It was the fall of 1991. Whatever year it was, though, it worked. And of our seven endorsements, six of them won. We missed on only one commission seat. But we’d been very, very careful in doing all of this. We never campaigned against the opponent of someone we endorsed, we never went negative. We always only campaigned for someone. So we never got into dirty politics or calling names. We never burned any bridges, in other words.
And so after the election even the people we didn’t endorse wanted our endorsement, which was the whole point of campaigning in that way and trying to be a positive campaign. And that worked as well too. I mean, they did come back and they did want our endorsement. And the one guy who won who did not have our endorsement, he wanted to have it in the next election. So we wound up with basically a unanimous commission, and they were ready to pass a human rights ordinance, but they were pushing us a little faster than I really wanted to go. Because the real win in this would not to be just getting the human rights ordinance. It would be getting the human rights ordinance without a repeal referendum like Anita Bryant. That was the real goal. No repeal referendum.
And so after the election, Gelber called me, and he didn’t say this in so many words, but the implication was basically that I appreciate your help in the election, is there something I can do for you in return? And my answer was, and this is literally what I said to Mayor Gelber, “I would like you to introduce me to my enemies.” I wanted to get to the obvious potential opponents of a gay human rights ordinance because I wanted to hopefully neutralize them or defer them from leading a charge to repeal the ordinance which I knew was going to pass. I didn’t need them to help pass it, we accomplished that by electing our candidates, but I did need to avoid another Anita Bryant repeal campaign. Anyway, he said, “What?” Because he thought I was going to say, “I want you to pass the human rights law right now. Right now.” And we weren’t ready for it. And there was no way we were prepared to win a repeal referendum campaign. And we just weren’t big enough. Anyway, I said, “I’d like you to introduce me to my enemies.” And he said, “What?” And I said, “Look, rabbi Perlmutter is really the leader of the Orthodox Jewish community in Miami Beach. I can call him from now until Doomsday and he’ll never take the call. But if you call him and say, ‘Rabbi as a favor to me, would you please talk to Greg Baldwin?’ He’ll do it. And that’s all I want.”
And he says, “Well, you don’t want me to say anything about the ordinance?” I said, “No, no.” I said, “That’s not your battle, Mayor. That’s mine. I’m the one who has to get this through. You’re not the one.” So he said, “Okay.” And he made the call. I called the Rabbi later, I got through, not directly to him, but to his office, and I made an appointment. I called Gelber and let him know. Gelber wanted his assistant to go with me. Gelber was Jewish and I think he was a little nervous, he knew what Rabbi Perlmutter was going to say about a gay rights ordinance. Rabbi Perlmutter was a very honest man, but a very direct man. I really liked that. So Gelber sent his assistant with me to the meeting with the Rabbi because he was afraid this was going to devolve into a shouting match or even a brawl. And it probably could have, because we started off the meeting with my explaining basically what we wanted, a human rights ordinance that would include gays. He responded by explaining that to the Orthodox Jewish community, we are aberrations. No, not aberrations, abominations. Abominations. That’s what it is. And it’s not easy sitting there listening to somebody say, “You are an abomination.”
But I knew arguing with him wasn’t going to accomplish anything. Talking back or being a smart-ass wasn’t going to win any friends. And so I just sat there and listened politely. Gelber’s guy was nervous as a cat because he was scared to death of what was going to happen. And he was shocked because when Perlmutter stopped, he finished, and he’s looking at me to respond, I said, “Look, Rabbi, we’re not crazy people. We’re not foolish people. We understand the difference between honestly held religious beliefs and bigotry, and we understand you’re expressing your honestly held religious beliefs and we respect that. How can we accommodate your religious beliefs with the human rights ordinance?” He says, “Well, this reminds me of when Ruth did that human rights ordinance in Dade County.” He meant Ruth Shack, of course. And he said, “I called her up and I said, ’Ruth, we can’t live with this. You’re going to make us hire gay people to teach in yeshivas, in a yeshiva school. We can’t live with that.’”
And he said her response to him was, “Well, Rabbi sorry, but it’s a done deal.” And so he went into opposition and campaigned against it. So I said, “Rabbi, how about if we make an exception for religious institutions?” I mean, understand, in my mind, I’m thinking, what gay in his right mind would ever want to teach in a yeshiva? I mean, Jesus and Mary spare us. But I can’t say that to him. And obviously, I can’t make a promise that no gay person will ever apply. And I also thought, hell, when you’re starving and have nothing to eat, a half a loaf of bread is better than no loaf of bread. So I took the one way around the impasse that I could think of, which was we’ll just make an exception for religious institutions, religious educational institutions. And he was really taken aback. He said, “Well, I could probably live with that, but I can’t support this.”
And I said, “Rabbi, I’m not asking you to support it. I understand you can’t support it, but all I’m asking you to do is not oppose it. That’s all. You don’t have to say a word for it. Please just don’t say a word against it.” He said, “I’ll consider that. I’ll think about it.” I don’t think he agreed at that point, but ultimately he did not oppose it, in fact, at one point I heard that he considered actually introducing it to the Commission, but he wisely backed off of that. And I had interviews or meetings like this with another Jewish leader for the exact same purpose, Art Teitelbaum, who was in charge of the Jewish Anti-Defamation League, the ADL. Anyway, Art Teitelbaum was in charge of that, and it was a major organization designed to prevent and fight anti-Semitism. I had a similar meeting with him. He didn’t call me an abomination, but I got the same results, which is, I’m not asking you to support this, just don’t oppose it. That’s all I’m asking. You don’t have to make any statements at all, but if you do, just don’t oppose it.
And I did that with the Catholic church and the Jewish community. Couldn’t get through to the Latin community, once they heard the word gay you could just hear the wheels click into off position. But the predominant communities that I needed to get to were those two from the demographic review that we had done and tried to understand. Ultimately, it worked. At the Catholic church, I talked to Brian Walsh, who was a Monsignor, and his office was north on the mainland. He wasn’t on the Beach. But he was, as far as I could tell, basically the face of the Catholic church, socially, politically, that sort of thing. And I went to see him and gave him the same message basically, which is, I’m not asking you to support this. I understand that you can’t, but please don’t oppose it. And basically, he sort of tentatively agreed, but said, “You have to speak to father so-and-so.”
He was referring to the pastor at St. Patrick’s Church on Miami Beach, just a little South of Arthur Godfrey Boulevard. So I went to meet him, I think his name was Father Murphy but I’m not sure, and we went through the same routine. I probably did this with about seven, maybe eight people that we had selected as key people who would be necessary to lead and support any repeal referendum campaign. They would have to be part of it for it to be successful. And basically, I asked them only to not oppose the ordinance. That’s all. One of them said, “Well, what if this turns out to be a mess? I mean, what if we wind up with gay bars all up and down Collins Avenue, we can’t live with that.” And I said, “Look, if it gets that bad, you can repeal the ordinance too. I mean, just because you pass it, doesn’t mean you’re stuck with it. You can get rid of it.” Which calmed him down a little bit. I think I made a remark about Sodom and Gomorrah. If it turns out to be Sodom and Gomorrah, you can repeal this thing. In retrospect, it was a silly answer, but it worked.
Jeff Guin:
So you made these agreements. Realistically, did you think that they would hold up?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, absolutely. Yes, absolutely. Yeah. No, never even occurred to me that they’d double-cross me. These were really upstanding people. I mean, Art Teitelbaum was a model of probity. Perlmutter was the same way. Brian Walsh. These are not people who are going to double-cross you. These are people who will say, “No, I can’t do that. I have to oppose it.” I knew who I was dealing with, I guess is the way to put it. And they did not double-cross us. Ultimately, we drafted up the ordinance, brought it over to the city attorney at Gelber’s instruction. Gelber had instructed the city attorney to meet with us and draft this ordinance, we’re going to consider it at such and such a meeting.
Now, this was a human rights ordinance that prohibited discrimination on the basis of race, religion, creed, color, national origin, and sexual orientation. So it wasn’t just a gay rights bill. I mean, to us it was a gay rights bill, but it covered everyone. And so it was drafted it up by the City Attorney and it actually had a provision that would allow anybody who was discriminated against to file a lawsuit against the person who committed the discrimination. I wasn’t sure a City could do something like that, I wasn’t sure that a cause of action could be created by a municipality. I know the state could create a cause of action, that is, create a wrong that could be righted by civil lawsuit.
And I thought maybe the county could, too. But I didn’t know about municipalities. Anyway, somebody in the City Attorney’s office said, “Wait a minute, you can’t do that.” So we had to take it out. And so we wound up with administrative remedies, which a lot of people criticized me for, but there was nothing I could do about that. I got surprisingly little criticism, actually virtually no criticism at all, over the compromise with religious educational institutions. Really, nobody said a word about that, but they were really sort of ticked off that they couldn’t sue. And I kept explaining it’s because a municipality can’t create the right to sue. You can’t do it. It’s unconstitutional in this state. And some of them believed me and some of them didn’t. Some of them thought it was a sell out compromise. But I didn’t and I still don’t.
The real compromise was over the application of the ordinance to religious educational institutions. With that, I did gave away part of the loaf of bread. But as I said, my feeling on the matter is, when you’re starving to death and somebody offers you half a loaf of bread, you don’t refuse it and demand a whole loaf instead. You take the half loaf, say thank you, and then hope you get more later. And that was exactly the approach that we took on this thing. Stay calm, stay reasonable, ask for more later if you need it or still want it. Ultimately, we had the City Commission meeting, we got the ordinance ready. It was introduced… Originally, actually, Rabbi Perlmutter said that he would introduce it to the commission, which would’ve been as close to a miracle as I’ve ever come in my lifetime. And I’ve come close to some pretty good miracles. But that was asking an awful lot. And I think he got pressured to not do it. And somebody else did it. I don’t remember who introduced it to the Commission.
And we had the hearing. And there was one person who was in opposition, and he was a Hungarian Orthodox priest or something like that, who nobody ever heard of or knew, and he spoke against it. But everybody else spoke in favor of it. There was really no opposition to it. And it passed unanimously. So now the big moment, right? As I said, that’s only half the goal. We got this thing through. I’m thrilled because now we have proved we, the gay community, can actually successfully do something political. Anita Bryant is gone, guys. We can do this. We can talk to these people. They will talk to us. They are not afraid of us anymore, they’re not suspicious of us, whatever the right word is. But the other half was, will there be a repeal referendum? And I was really sweating it. I had my strategy for preventing a repeal referendum, and I had put it into effect as best I could. But after all, I was an amateur in politics and I really had no guarantee, actually, I had no clue, as to whether the strategy would work. One gay political consultant told me that we were heading for a disaster worse than Anita Bryant and that we should not under any circumstances pass the human rights ordinance. But there was no way I was going to retreat, any more than I was going to go back into the closet. So, damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead! To coin a phrase.
I was really worried because I didn’t know how we would ever cope with a citywide referendum. But I went to some function, probably some charitable function, somewhere on the Beach about three months after the ordinance passed. And there was a guy there who was, I want to say he was in charge or the head of the American Family Association. It might not have been that organization, but he was the local anti-gay face in Miami Beach. He was the one who would raise all the trouble and try and organize a repeal referendum. And I saw him across the room and I thought, “Oh shit.” I’m sorry. I shouldn’t do that. I keep doing it. But that’s what I thought. “Oh shit. He’s here. What do I do?” And then I thought, “What do you do? You act like an intelligent normal person. You walk over and shake his hand and say, ‘hi, how are you?'”
We’re not at war. We’re just political opponents. So I went over and smiled, shook his hand, he smiled. We chatted for a little while. After, I don’t know, a couple of minutes. He says, “You know Greg, everybody hates that ordinance of yours.” I don’t know why he called it that ordinance of mine, but that’s what he said. And with my heart and my throat, I said, “Well, that’s why we have provisions in the city ordinances for a referendum to repeal an ordinance. If everybody hates it, why don’t you just organize them and start a repeal campaign?” He said, “Well, that’s just the problem.” He said, “You preempted all the leadership.” And that was the moment I knew we had definitively won. That was when I knew we had achieved both goals. What he was saying to me is, I can’t put a referendum campaign together because I cannot get the Jewish Orthodox community and the Catholics and the other groups together to fight this. Because you got them to promise they wouldn’t oppose it. And they’re all sticking with that.
That was the message that I got. It’s not all exactly what he said, but he definitely did say, “You just preempted all the leadership.” So, the ordinance passed, and there was never a referendum. It worked. But the key to the thing, there’s a couple of points here. Number one is, there’s the Supreme Court Justice once who said in connection with illegal searches and seizures… Do you want to stop for a second?
Jeff Guin:
One thing that I want you to clarify when we get back into this. You mentioned several organizations you’ve been a part of, and I want you to address how formal were these groups and were they incorporated-
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, God. Yes. Oh, yeah. Oh, yeah. They were incorporated and were tax exempt organizations under 501(C)(3).
Jeff Guin:
I’ll come back in a few minutes.
Jeff Guin:
Okay.
Greg Baldwin:
Let me see. Where was I? I would say the three things. I’m trying to think of what they were now.
Jeff Guin:
Well, let me loop back to what you were talking about. You offered up the referendum as a recommendation. It was the very thing that you were most scared of happening. Was that intentional? You knew he would say that? That-
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, no. I had no idea what he would say. I expected him to… When I said my heart was in my throat, I meant it. I expected him to lead a drive for a referendum. And when he said, “Well, I can’t do that, you preempted all the leadership,” I knew we were home then, and that there wasn’t going to be a referendum. So we had accomplished a number of things here. The first is where we stopped. I was talking about a Supreme Court Justice, Justice Brandeis in the Olmstead case, where I think the Court allowed an illegal wiretap. And Brandeis, in dissent, I think, said that “Our government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher.” I read that in law school and I’ve never forgotten it. And what he said, it’s very true. If a city or city’s leaders say, “Go get the Blacks or go get the gays or go do this,” a lot of people will do that. If the city leaders say, “Don’t do these things,” people won’t do them.
And it goes back to that concept that government is sort of the teacher of society and how society should operate. And he was, I think, exactly right. He hit the nail right on the head with that remark. And that’s what Miami Beach did. That’s one of the things that happened, Miami Beach sent out the message that it’s okay to be gay on Miami Beach. That’s not what they meant to say. It wasn’t their intention to say it, but it was the message that went out. And it was very, very encouraging because the gay community was just starting to get interested in development of Miami Beach and tourism to Miami Beach and all of these things hit at once. And that was a major catalyst, I think, for encouraging gay people to come to Miami Beach because it was basically a message saying in Miami Beach, you’re safe. Miami, that’s another story. Go talk to Anita Bryant. But Miami Beach, you’re okay here. We welcome you. We want you to come. That was what that ordinance basically said, I think, to the community. It was a very profound message to a community that had been getting kicked in the balls for decades. It really meant something.
It did two other things too. It proved as I said before, that we, the gay community, could do this, that we could get a political victory. Everybody said this couldn’t happen. When we passed the ordinance, there was one guy I briefly mentioned before, who was very, very big in politics, he organized and ran political campaigns. He said, “You cannot possibly accomplish this. There will be a referendum. It’ll be another Anita Bryant. You are going to destroy the gay community with this.”
And a lot of people who lived through Anita Bryant felt that way, too. But we basically proved that it could be done. If it was done in the right way, it could be done, we could win. And the other thing, the third thing that it said, was to the politicians. It said you don’t have to hide or shy away from your gay voters. We’re not going to embarrass you. We’re not going to make you look like fools. You can trust us, and we can work together. And we did on the Beach. Clark and Dennis both worked with the City very closely for a long time. I wasn’t living on the Beach at the time, and I had no stake in it, and I had no right to be doing anything more than this one campaign. But Clark and Dennis lived onthe Beach, and Dennis actually got a position with the City, he was the Public Art Administrator for 15 years. I forget what Clark actually did, but they were both very, very involved with the city for quite a few years after that, in a very good and productive way, the both of them and for the City.
(00:52:04)
Jeff Guin:
Dennis’ last name?
Greg Baldwin:
Leyva, L-E-Y-V-A. They’re still here in the Miami area. They’re not on the Bach anymore, I think. I think they’re north. Not in Broward, but I think they’re north of the city. But in any case-
Jeff Guin:
You have contact with them.
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, yeah. Yeah.
Actually, yeah. I remember Clark with his yellow Jeep driving around with stickers and signs, and all sorts of stuff during the election In 1991. He really worked his ass off on that. So did Dennis. It was a lot of hard work, but it paid off. Now, was it the countywide ordinance? No, it was far from it, but it was a step, and it was the beginning step. It was like a baby step, but it was the beginning, where we knew we could do this. We knew we could organize, we knew we could succeed. And that was a crucially important message for the gay community, I think, especially after Anita Bryant. To know that they were not necessarily the pariah that they’ve been made out to be and that they had been treated as for so many years. My plan was to use the PAC and select cities, and get involved in the election campaigns, and build up a consensus in each city, one by one, and ultimately in the county.
My theory was, if we go to the County and we say we want a human rights ordinance, there’s one in Miami, there’s one in Miami Beach, there’s one in Coral Gables, there’s one in South Miami, and now we want one in the County, it would carry a lot more weight then if we said, “Well, we want a human rights ordinance.” Or if we said, “We want a human rights ordinance, Miami Beach has got one.” So you can see that I was trying to put weight into the concept of going back to the County again, and undoing what Anita Bryant had done, or redoing what Ruth Shack had undone, and getting that human rights ordinance back.
But it didn’t work out that way. Maybe I should have stayed in charge of the PAC, but I didn’t. I thought that every organization needs new blood. And the people generally in business, the people who are the entrepreneurs, they can start the business, but they cannot carry it on. They just have a different skill set. And I pictured myself in that position, that I could get this started. I could get it moving in the right direction, but I’m not sure I’m the guy who is going to be the guy who could get this over the finish line. So I handed off the leadership. But that leadership just didn’t follow up with the thing, and it was probably too much to ask anyway. I don’t know what city we would’ve gone to. I was actually aiming for Coral Gables or South Miami. And not too long after this, I think South Miami elected an openly gay mayor.
And so we had a shot at doing that, but the PAC just wasn’t into it, and so it fell apart. But at the same time, now we’re in the early about 1992, 1993, and there was an effort launched to amend the Florida Constitution to prohibit counties and municipalities from passing human rights ordinances. And of course, they weren’t aimed at human rights ordinances insofar as they impacted on race, religion, creed, color, national origin. That was already in federal law anyway. Nothing they could do about that. But what they were aiming at was getting rid of gay rights. And so that took all the air out of the room. It sucked out everybody’s attention to the extent that there was any left, but it sucked out everybody’s attention away from City ordinance campaigns and into this statewide campaign. And that was because the gay community had no statewide political organization. Now we have Equality Florida, founded and run by Nadine Smith, and she and Equality are amazingly effetive politically. But I don’t think it existed then. That was founded by Nadine Smith, who I think lives in Tampa. But I don’t think at that point that Equality Florida existed. We tried to form a statewide organization, but just couldn’t do it. It just would not come together. Too many local interests, too many male versus female issues, stuff like that. We just could not put it together. We tried. Had a giant meeting in Orlando, where we got representatives from all over the state, different organizations to come in. And we put together a thing called Floridians United Against Discrimination. F-U-A-D, FUAD. What an awful name, but disjointed meetings come up with disjointed results. The plan was to create min- FUADs throughout the state. Like there’d be one in Miami-Dade, it was Dade then. One in Broward, one in Monroe, and so on and so forth. But it just didn’t gel. At the same time however, and these things are all pretty much, I think, happening around the same time, SAVE was founded in Dade County.
Jeff Guin:
So you’re creating mini FUADs.
Greg Baldwin:
Well, we were trying to, that wasn’t coming together. FUAD was a complete flop, it never even got off the ground, let alone created mini-FUADs. But at the same time, SAVE was being formed. Now, I am really vague on the history of this. I was involved in it, but I was certainly not a key member or a key person. Clark and Dennis were both involved in it. I remember a meeting, I think it was at FIU, where we actually launched it. We decided to create SAVE. I was at the meeting where they came up with the name. It was a brainstorming session at the U of M Law School. And we spent several hours kicking around different names, and somehow we came with the concept of Saving American values for Everyone, SAVE. Which was a lot better than FUAD.
And I don’t know what we would’ve called that in Dade County. DUAD? Some things you just know aren’t going to work. But SAVE was going to work. And I was involved, and I’m proud I was, even though no one seems to remember I was. I think Dennis and Clark, and I decided … Decided isn’t the right word, but recommended, that it have two chairs, male and female. And the three of us selected Damian Pardo, who’s now a Miami City Commissioner for District 2. We selected him as the male co-chair. And he agreed to do the job when we proposed it to him, I think it was at this FIU meeting. And I said to them, “I will call Fran Bohnsack,” who is a straight woman. And she had run for State House in the ’80s. A couple of times, I think. She wasn’t successful, but she was a really good candidate, and she was a very, very together person. She had her feet firmly planted on the ground, and was nobody’s fool. And she was very, very supportive of gay rights as equally she was of women’s rights.
I think she is still around but I haven’t seen her in years and years. Anyway, I called her after the FIU meeting and asked her if she would be willing to do this, and explained what it was all about and what she’d have to do and stuff like that. And what I was ideally looking for, since we looked like we were going into an election campaign on a constitutional referendum, was a straight face to the organization, so it wasn’t exclusively gay. I was envisioning SAVE as something broader than that, but I don’t think it ever was. It probably never could have been. But that’s where I was going with at the time.
And then we had a falling out over FUAD, because I went to this meeting in Orlando. And there was probably about 100 people at that meeting. It was a very large meeting. And we had a moderator who tried to run it, but it was a thankless task. But the idea was, we would come back and in our respective counties, we would try and form the Dade United Against Discrimination. And SAVE was already in existence and I was on the board. I think I was only on the board for about three or four months. I think I was on the original board.
And I proposed that we changed the name of SAVE to Dade United Against Discrimination, to the begin the coordination with a statewide effort and a statewide campaign. And SAVE did not want to change its name, which in retrospect, was perfectly reasonable and sensible. The FUAD idea was stillborn but I didn’t recognize that and pushed for a Dade version, a mini-FUAD called DUAD, or Dade United Against Discrimination. So I didn’t agree with that SAVE’s refusal to change its name, I thought it would help the statewide effort if it did. But I was completely wrong. FUAD went nowhere. So my sights and SAVE’s were focused in different directions. SAVE was focused on itself and its own existence and survival, which was entirely correct too. And so we were looking in different directions, or at different horizons. As it turned out, SAVE was absolutely right and I was absolutely wrong. But I left SAVE over this and I shouldn’t have. And the Data ActionPAC was pretty much defunct by then. It wasn’t really doing anything. It still existed, but it wasn’t doing anything. Lack of leadership.
And ultimately what happened in that was, the referendum never got to an election. They did get enough signatures to put it on the ballot, but in Florida, in order to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot, you have to have the Supreme Court review it and confirm that it addresses only one issue. If it’s more than one issue, they will not allow it on the ballot. The same thing is happening now, actually. We’re waiting for the Supreme Court to decide on whether or not the abortion rights amendment is going to be on the next statewide election ballot. If it is, it’ll be amendment number four. But it doesn’t have the Supreme Court stamp of approval yet. In this particular case, in 1993, the particular writing of the proposed amendment did not get the stamp of approval. The Supreme Court found that the proposed language for this referendum to prohibit municipalities and counties from passing human rights ordinances, raised more than one issue, so they wouldn’t let it on the ballot. So the election never occurred.
I was focusing more on the political end of it, as opposed to the legal end, because I didn’t think the legal end was going to succeed, but it actually did. And the political end I thought would succeed, and it didn’t. But it all came out right in the end. One of the reasons that it came out right is because Chesterfield Smith, who was really the manager of my law firm, Holland & Knight, the firm I was in, was very, very much against discrimination in any form. And he decided that he personally, not the firm, but he alone and in his own name, would write a brief to the Supreme Court, saying that the proposed language addresses several issues, and should not be approved. And that was actually the grounds on which they rejected the amendment. And I don’t know how much weight his brief carried, but he was formerly the president of the American Bar Association, he had helped select many of them to sit on the state Supreme Court, so he was definitely someone who was listened to. .
He was the first public leader, especially in the legal community, to announce that Nixon should resign. And boy, he climbed out on a limb on that one. He really put his career on the line with that, because hell had not the fury of Nixon scorned. But anyway, he ultimately did file that successful brief. And I went to thank him about it later. I said, “I want you to know on behalf of the gay community, thank you very much for the work you did. You really saved us a horrible election campaign that we might not have won.” And he said, “I don’t care about gay rights.” I said, “What?” He said, “I don’t care about gay rights.” I said, “But you filed this brief on behalf of gay rights.” He says, “No, I didn’t.” I said, “Well, what did you do then Chesterfield? Why did you do it?”
And he said to me, “Because I’m against discrimination in any form whatsoever.” And we were being discriminated against. He understood that was the point of this amendment. And he was really an unbelievably influential person on this. Because as basically Florida’s lawyer – that’s what they used to call him- he had a hand in appointing almost everybody on the Supreme Court at the time. So when that man appeared before the Supreme Court, they listened. They weren’t slaves to his opinion, but they did listen. And I think that was an important factor. Certainly not a deciding, but an important factor in the ultimate decision. So anyway, ultimately, we avoided that election. But SAVE was founded. And SAVE went on with Damian Pardo and then George Mursuli, and under Mursuli SAVE got the Miami-Dade County Human Rights Ordinance amended again to include sexual orientation, got it passed by the County Commission. And then he led SAVE to fight out the repeal referendum over the Ordinance. It was a second Anita Bryant referendum. But this time without Anita Bryant. And that one we won. And so we have a County Human Rights Ordinance after all, in spite of me.
Jeff Guin:
So at this point, you’re starting to withdraw from the official organizations. Describe that transition.
Greg Baldwin:
It wasn’t much of a transition, because I didn’t transition into anything. It was more that I went back to work, because this was incredibly time-consuming. And I wound up doing a lot of my work on Saturday and Sunday, legal work. And doing a lot of political stuff during the week, because that’s when you got a hold of people. That’s when you had lunch meetings and things like that, with Are Teitelbaum, and Perlmutter and Gelber and all those guys. So it’s not that I transitioned to something, it’s just that I slowly bowed out. But my time was gone, my time was passed. I did what I think I was supposed to do. And I wasn’t the right person to take it any further. I’ve got a lot of limitations and I know what they are, and I recognize them. And I knew I was not the person who was going to run SAVE, or save the community, or get this thing through on the County level. I had done my thing. I had done what I had set out to do, I had proven what I had set out to prove. But it was now time for other people, and that was the right decision.
Jeff Guin:
All right, so we’ve got a little less than an hour. I want to, first, you mentioned, last time you talking about the Victory Fund and that model? I wonder if you could just talk a little bit about that.
Greg Baldwin:
I don’t remember that much. The Victory Fund, you mean the National Organization?
Jeff Guin:
Yes.
Greg Baldwin:
Actually, it’s funny because there are a number of national organizations, they’re still in existence. I’ve just drawn a blank on all their names now, but they know who they are anyway. They were all in existence when I was politically active. They were all trying to raise money nationwide, and they kept coming down here, and they wanted our money. And I’m sitting here trying to run a goddamn political campaign and get a political organization going, and they’re coming down taking the very money our local organizations cannot possibly live without. And using all of the drama and the excitement of national politics and Washington D.C., the Washington organizations, they’re taking money out of my community and they’re spending it somewhere else. And it’s not doing us any good. And I was not happy about that. I was having a hell of a time keeping Data Action PAC alive and functioning financially, and paying for the flyers and all the nuts and bolts expenses that mount up so fast.
So I was not a big fan of these guys coming down and raising money here. And they would contact me from time to time. And I would tell them, “Absolutely not. I will not be at your rally. I will not speak. I will not contribute.” And for a while, I was, I suppose, influential, and they wanted me to give or support them. And I wouldn’t do it. Except for one organization. And that was the only one at the time that was putting anything back into the gay communities that they were drawing resources out of. And that was the Victory Fund. The Victory Fund got involved, I think rather heavily, in the … Broward County had a human rights ordinance issue, but I think the human rights ordinance had to be approved by the voters or something. It wasn’t a repeal. It was an effort to pass a human rights ordinance. And it was on the ballot in Broward County.
And this was roughly about the same time as the Miami Beach election. It was before the latest Human Rights Ordinance referendum here in Miami-Dade, but after the Miami Beach Ordinance human rights in Miami Beach. So somewhere in the middle of all of this, this event happened in Broward County, and they lost, and they lost badly. But the Victory Fund voluntarily came down to Broward County, and voluntarily at no charge to anybody, as far as I’ve heard, started training people on how to do political things, how to run a political campaign and stuff like that. And I was really impressed with that, that somebody in national organizations was actually putting something into a community instead of taking it out.
And somewhere along the line, we got together. I think this was through Data ActionPAC And they offered to do political campaign training here in Miami. And I just jumped at that opportunity. And we did have the training, and it helped a lot. It was very good. And I think a lot of it eventually helped SAVE too. I don’t think George Mursuli attended it, but because of it there were more people who knew what they were doing, and how to run a campaign, how to raise money, how to ask for money. It was all that nuts and bolts stuff that is so crucially important to running a successful political campaign, but is so often overlooked. You know you need money. But nobody sits there and says, “Okay, this is how you sit down and ask somebody for money.” And that’s what Victory Fund would do. And this is how you phrase these things. This is how you reach the media.
All of the nuts and bolts of a campaign, they taught. And they did it for free, and it was very effective. So I was a great admirer of the Victory Fund. But once we had the countywide Human Rights Ordinance here, and SAVE was established, then I had no issue with the national organizations. Not that they cared, but in the end I became a big supporter, once we were politically established locally. I firmly believe in Lambda Legal, for example, and Equality Florida, although that’s not national. But my attitude towards the national organizations has changed a lot, now that we have our own local abilities and can fund ourselves. Yeah, then go ahead and take the excess resources and bring them to Washington. That’s good too. It’s important. But the national organizations back when I was active were hollow. They pretended, they were doing the smoke and mirrors, the same thing I was doing down here. They were presenting the appearance of effective political lobbying and organization just like I was.
But I had something in back of my organization, and they really didn’t. They forgot, or never learned, that all politics is local, as Tip O’Neal used to say. That’s where everything went wrong with Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. As I talked to a guy who was deeply involved in that, he was, I’m not sure if he was a member of the Clinton administration or just very closely aligned, but he said to me the problem was that the gay organizations in Washington convinced the President that they could deliver the votes in Congress if there was an attack or a problem over gays in the military, or if there was a vote needed on it.
But when the shit the fan, they couldn’t deliver, and they couldn’t deliver because they had no local roots. They had no way to influence a politician. They couldn’t go to a congressman in the House and say, “This is what we want,” and we have votes behind it in your district. So they really carried no influence. They just carried a lot of appearance. I think a lot of that has changed now, but back then, that was the situation. That’s what I think happened with Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, is that the national organizations couldn’t deliver what they said they could deliver because they did not have the necessary roots locally to influence senators or congressmen.
(01:18:04)
Jeff Guin:
All right, so let’s spend the rest of our time talking about the White Party.
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, good.
Jeff Guin:
Tell us a little bit about the idea to begin the White Party and how it ended up.
Greg Baldwin:
I can’t give you much detail on all of that. I was in HCN at the time, I was on the Board. I think I was Vice President for Internal Affairs or something like that. But for some reason this fell under my jurisdiction at HCN. And what this was, was the concept of this enormous fundraiser. A guy who was in HCN, he was a volunteer, I don’t remember if he was on the Board or not, but his name was Frank Wager. He was, I think Salvadoran by birth and came from a very well-off family. He came to us at HCN with this idea of having this really big fundraiser. This was light years ahead of anything we had ever done. We were living off the cocktail parties, the Dick Pollock one that I told you about, and voluntary donations and a couple of grants here and there.
But Frank was talking about lots of money, like six figures. And I don’t know if this was his idea or not. At the time I thought it was his idea. I’ve since learned, I think that there were Frank and two other guys, and it might’ve been the two other guys who had the idea itself and made the connections with Vizcaya. But from my point of view, Frank was the point person for HCN and it was going to be a fundraiser for HCN. So HCN could say, “Oh, okay, this is great. We support this a hundred percent.” Or HCN could say, “Are you out of your minds? Get out of here. We don’t want anything to do with it.” And for an organization that, like I said, its total assets were pretty much a typewriter. It might’ve been a little bit better at that point, but not much. We really didn’t have much. And what little we had was spent before it was received.
And I was very leery of the idea when he said the party would be at Vizcaya, I probably asked him, “Are you out of your mind? Do you know how much that costs?” And I don’t remember now if it was donated or if it was paid for, I just don’t know. But I do know that Frank really believed in this. He said it could be done, that it would be a great success, that it would put us, HCN, on the map and make us financially secure. And if it was a real success, we could do it every year. And I’m thinking, “This guy, what planet is this man from?” I’d never thought that big in my life. But he wanted to do it, and HCN was willing to try, and I had enough common sense to not try and crush an idea before it even begins.
So I said, “Well, okay,” tentatively. I wasn’t enthusiastic about it. And Frank had to report to me, I can’t remember if it was weekly or biweekly, on the progress of this whole thing because I was really worried we would make a financial commitment that we couldn’t keep and the party would be a flop and we’d wind up $50,000 in debt or something horrible like that, or that it would fall apart and we’d look like fools and lose all our credibility and never get another grant from the county or anybody else again. That’s where I was coming from on this. He was looking at the future, at the horizon. I was looking at the ground, worrying about where we were stepping. He was looking to where we were going, and that was the big difference between us. And he was the one who was right. He had the vision, whether he shared it or got it from two other guys, I don’t know, but I know he had the vision.
And Frank was the driving force of this in HCN, and he kept HCN supporting it. And the way he did it, I could have killed him when I found out, the way he did it was every time he’d report to me and he’d report, “We’ve got this committee and it’s working on this and we’ve got this committee and it’s working on that and we’ve got this going and we’ve got that going. We’ve got the caterer, we’ve got the entertainment.” They actually got Mel Carter, who was a big star at the time, to come out and be the entertainer at this party. How the hell he ever did that… I don’t know if it was Frank that did it, but that was part of the whole thing, part of the effort. But every time Frank came to me and Frank was crucial because he had to keep HCN on board. If HCN abandoned this, then all their efforts are in vain or they’ve got to find somebody else to be doing it for.
So Frank would say to me, “We’re doing this, we’ve done that, we’ve got this, we’ve got that.” But the key thing was, “And we’ve already sold 25 tickets.” Next meeting, “We’ve sold 42 tickets.” Next meeting, “We’ve sold 76 tickets.” And now these are not the actual numbers, but it’s by example. And this kept me going along with this and saying, “Okay, keep going, keep going. It sounds good, sounds good,” trying to get over my misgivings. And that was what was doing it. Tickets sold before the party. I think before the party his last report was, “We’ve sold a hundred tickets.” I don’t remember how much they were selling for, probably a hundred bucks a pop, but I just don’t remember how much it added up to. It just indicated that this thing would not be a financial disaster.
So the night of the party comes and we get into our white, we go down, this is me and Jose and a couple of friends. And we come down and hook up with the Board and everybody and Frank and the party is going full force, and it is mobbed. I mean, the garden was full, everything was filled. People arriving in yachts and hooking up or docking at the waterfront. It was just unbelievably successful. And I said to Frank, “God, Frank, you sold a lot more than a hundred tickets.” He said, “I didn’t know that we had sold any.” I said, “What are you talking about?” And he said, “Well, actually, we only sold about seven or eight tickets in advance.” I mean, he had sold almost nothing is what he said to me now. Whether he was pulling my chain or not, I don’t know, but I’ve always remembered that.
And it was a good lesson to learn, is that when you don’t share the vision, just get the fuck out of the way. I probably could have deep-sixed that whole thing and it never would’ve happened. But for Frank. So from my point of view, Frank is the father of the White Party. He’s the guy that made it work, and he kept me from screwing it all up with his fake ticket sales, but the was wise enough to do that, and he was strong enough to believe in the vision. So thank God for Frank, I’ll always remember him fondly and with admiration. He worked his tail off on that thing and it just took off.
Jeff Guin:
So that first White Party, describe what it was like. And were you actually working it or were you just socializing?
Greg Baldwin:
A little bit of both. I was deeply involved in the cleanup because there was nobody else to do it. Sometimes even though you’re on the Board, you have to get your hands dirty. Too many Board members don’t understand that. But if you’re going to be a Board member and you’re going to help run an organization, you need to know what it’s about and you don’t find out what it’s about by sitting in a room sipping wine and discussing policy, you go out there and you do the things that the organization is doing. And that’s why HCN worked. I mean, we Board members did the counseling stuff and we arranged for counselors and we did a lot of the groundwork. And learned from that, like I said, if you don’t have the vision, you shouldn’t be part of the effort and you’re not helping.
But at the party itself, yeah, we did some socializing. I was with my husband and obviously he wanted to and so did I. And I also wanted to make contact with donors and potential donors and all that good stuff. And I spent the night doing that. We did the Mel Carter presentation, which was very successful. She was a great entertainer and a great singer. And then the end came, I suppose around 11 or 12 o’clock, I don’t recall. And it was time to clean up and we were still there. So we just started picking up trash and cleaning up.
We were very, very conscious of no scandal, no bad mouth against us. So we were very conscious of no sex in the gardens. We actually had bush patrols, which was a couple of guys who would go around the gardens, walk around, and if they saw anybody, any hanky-panky let’s say, they’d break it up because I was worried that there’d be something on Channel 7, big scandal in Vizcaya Gardens and HCN would be ruined forever. So cleanup was part of it. We obviously couldn’t leave it in a mess. We had to help the caterers undo everything and all that stuff. So I don’t know, I was probably there until about two or three getting all that stuff done. So it was social and it was work.
Jeff Guin:
And so was the overall impression that it was successful?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh God, yes. We made money that we never dreamed of. I don’t remember how much it was now. I wish I did. I want to say a hundred thousand, but I just don’t know. But it was the most money we had ever had at one time in the entire existence of HCN. And it was such a success everybody was dying to do it again. I think everybody would’ve done it again in two months if they could have. But that would’ve been overkill, of course. There was
Jeff Guin:
It was an idea that also had international influence too. White Parties all over the place.
Greg Baldwin:
It did. Yeah, it did. I was never part of that or never involved in that. I don’t do the circuit or whatever they call it, and I never have. But it did catch on. It caught on nationally and it caught on internationally, it was a combination of the attractivenss of the cause and the location, which is magical, I mean, you can’t beat Vizcaya and the grounds and the water and the view, I mean, it’s untouchable. There’s nothing to match it. So it was just a magical event. It came off perfectly. No problems with the police or the media. All the media was very positive. No scandals, no accusations of, “You wrecked this,” or, “You broke that.” Everybody had been very careful and we were all policing each other like crazy during the whole thing, but also having a great time. And it just lit a spark. Right place, right time, right people. And it took off.
Jeff Guin:
Was that your first time to come to Vizcaya?
Greg Baldwin:
No, I had done the tourist thing. I had done the tour before, so I knew Vizcaya. That’s why I knew we needed a bush patrol. It sounds crazy, but those things happen and these were the days when every time there was a gay pride parade, it’d be covered by the TV stations, especially at Channel 7, and they would go out of their way to find the craziest, most outlandish thing. The drag queens and the guys that are almost naked and stuff like that. And that’s what people saw on TV and that’s what we did not want from this party, and we succeeded on that. I keep saying we, I’m really saying HCN and the people working with HCN and for HCN on doing this thing. I wasn’t doing these things. I wasn’t calling the shots or planning the strategy or anything like that. I was just sitting back giving Frank a hard time. So not much of a claim to fame for the White Party, is it? But it happened.
Jeff Guin:
Lit a fire for sure. It was successful. So I have a name in here without any context. Sam Gentry.
Greg Baldwin:
Yeah, Sam Gentry. Let me think. Former CEO or manager of a major business. A great philanthropist. He passed away in 2017, I think. He was a great guy.
Jeff Guin:
Nothing to do with the White Party though?
Greg Baldwin:
Oh, I don’t know. Not that I’m aware of, but that doesn’t mean he didn’t.
Sam Gentry, he was in Network. I can’t remember what Sam did, but I know he was very successful. I mean he was senior management level. Very, very successful. Contributed a lot financially to different things. He was always there. If you asked him for money, he was always there and a really nice guy. Very, very nice guy.
Jeff Guin:
All right, so looking back at the things you’ve experienced, you’ve got this historical perspective now and you see what’s going on today. Are there any things to be learned at this point in Miami’s history and the gay community’s history, seeing that politics are shifting back the other direction, that there is pushback and some of these rights are again being threatened, at least on the state level. Is there anything that we could use from your experience or the experience of the LGBTQ community to inform what we need to be doing?
Greg Baldwin:
Well, anything in my experience that anybody can use is up to the user. But from my point of view, what today is proving is, I don’t know who said this, but it’s carved in a statue in front of the National Archives building in Washington, D.C.. It’s actually my favorite statue there. It’s a big ugly granite thing. Some Roman sitting there with a book in his lap or something, but on the pedestal is carved, “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.” And if today doesn’t prove that, then nothing ever will. The game isn’t over now, it wasn’t over just because we passed the human rights on Miami Beach, it wasn’t over just because we passed Human Rights Ordinance in Dade County, even though a lot of us thought maybe it was.
And it wasn’t over when we got the right to marry or file joint taxes. The simple fact is that it will never be over. Eternal vigilance really is the price of liberty. Because there’s always that 10%, no matter where you go, there are always 10% of the people, sometimes unhappily more, often more, that just want to hate or put people down or establish a hierarchy. And we as the hereditary, almost eternal outsiders are the first ones to get picked on. Not the first. I think maybe the Jews have the edge on that because everybody picks on the Jews all over the world. God only knows why, but they do. But I think we run a damn close second. We’re easy to hate and easy to frighten people with. So I’m not sure that answered your question, but I don’t remember the question now anyway.
Jeff Guin:
Just if there’s anything that, any words to inspire people that are taking up the mantle now in terms of facing these political battles. I think you’re right that people did take for granted that, especially after gay marriage became a right on a national level, that it was over.
Greg Baldwin:
With regard to gay rights in general, all I can say is that there’s always that 10% ,and that 10% can grow, and you have to constantly battle against it and watch it. But the other thing is, just don’t give up. Understand your limitations, but understand your potential, too. I think I did, to some limited degree anyway. I don’t know if I saw the full potential, but what I did see, I used, or at least I tried my best to. And I guess the other thing is, just don’t be afraid. The funny thing about being gay is that you can create an environment that’s warm and friendly and inviting for gays, but you can’t reach inside of a gay person and pull out the self-hate and the self-loathing. That, they have to do themselves. So coming out is always going to be with us, and you just have to keep plugging at the rest.
Eternal vigilance is the thing. Don’t ever think the battle is over, the war is won. It never is. But the one thing I can tell you, I will die before I go back into any goddamn closet again, I am not going back to the seventies or the sixties. I’m certainly not going back to what I understand gay life was like in the fifties. I would die before any of that happens, too. That’s as simple as that. I’m not going back into anybody’s closet, let alone mine. And it’s a matter of just overcoming our own fears and our own self-imposed limitations. How do you express that? By getting involved in mainstream politics, just like we did on Miami Beach in ‘91. Mainstream politics works, we proved that there. But today it can be done by us, I mean the gay community, in the mainstream organizations, including the straight ones. We didn’t have that option in 1991, we were intentionally excluded. But times have changed, and it was us that changed them. We’re invited in now. So, for today, my advice is to join straight political organizations and protect our hard-won equal through them, from the inside. Mainstream politics works, and now, at long last, that’s available to us for the first time in our history. I used to see all the time down here, not as much now, but all the time down here in the ‘80s and ‘90s, people using being gay as a crutch. “I lost that job because I’m gay. I didn’t get that promotion because I’m gay. This happened because I’m gay. That happened because I’m gay.” And always using it as a crutch and basically as an excuse for our own failures and not recognizing that our own failures are exactly that, our own failures. You don’t have to be straight to succeed. You don’t have to be gay either, for that matter. All you have to do is be determined to succeed and to succeed for gay people in particular is, just get over the fear. Don’t be afraid of what people are going to say. I mean, hell, if I stand for anything, it’s the concept of, “They took their best shot at me and I’m still standing.”
And that’s what I’d like to get across to everybody. Let them take their best shot. You can still stand. They can’t kill you. I mean, they can physically, and they can bash you and stuff like that, but they can’t beat you. Not unless you let them, not unless you give in to the fear.